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Jewish  Rights  at  the  Congresses  of  Vienna 
(1814-1815)  and  Aix-La-Chapelle  (1818) 


BY 
MAX  J.  KOHLER,  A.M.,  LL.B. 


Reprinted  from  the  Publications  of  the 

American  Jewish  Historical  Society 

Number  26 


NEW  YORK 
THE  AMERICAN  JEWISH  COMMITTEE 

1918 


$<xfttmor* 

BALTIMORE,  MD.,  U.  8.  A. 


PREFATORY  NOTE. 

In  1916  The  American  Jewish  Committee  published  a 
special  edition  of  a  work  entitled  "  Jewish  Disabilities  in  the 
Balkan  States,"  by  Max  J.  Kohler  and  Simon  Wolf.  This 
paper,  which  dealt  in  the  main  with  the  discussion  of  the  civil 
and  political  rights  of  Jews  at  the  Congress  of  Berlin 
(1878),  was  presented  by  Mr.  Kohler  at  the  twenty-fourth 
annual  meeting  of  the  American  Jewish  Historical  Society, 
held  at  Philadelphia,  on  February  20,  1916. 

At  the  twenty-fifth  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Jewish 
Historical  Society,  Mr.  Max  J.  Kohler  presented  a  paper  deal- 
ing in  a  similar  manner  with  the  discussion  of  Jewish  rights 
at  two  previous  international  Congresses,  those  of  Vienna 
(1814-15)  and  Aix-la-Chapelle  (1818).  In  view  of  the  im- 
portance and  timeliness  of  the  subject  The  American  Jewish 
Committee  deems  it  advisable  to  issue  a  special  edition  of 
Mr.  Kohler's  second  paper. 


ill 


CONTENTS.  PAGE 

Prefatory  Note  iii 

Jewish  Rights  at  the  Congresses  of  Vienna  (1814-1815),  and 

Aix-La-Chapelle  (1818)  1 

I.  The  Congress  of  Vienna 1 

II.  The  Congress  of  Aix-La-Chapelle 50 

Appendix  A.  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  on  the  Principles 
of  Jewish  Emancipatory  Legislation  and  His  Rela- 
tions to  the  Jews 63 

I.  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  Relations  to  the  Jews. .     63 
II.  Regarding  the  Draft  of  a  New  System  of  Legis- 
lation for  the  Jews,  July  17,  1809,  by  Wilhelm 

von  Humboldt  71 

Appendix  B.  The  Influence  of  Lewis  Way  and  Other 
English  Missionaries  upon  Alexander  I's  Treatment 

of  the  Jews 84 

Index   .  95 


JEWISH  EIGHTS  AT  THE  CONGRESSES  OF  VIENNA 
(1814-1815),  AND  AIX-LA-CHAPELLE  (1818). 
BY  MAX  J.  KOHLEB,  A.  M.,  LL.  B. 

I. 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  VIENNA. 

The  consideration  given  to  the  subject  of  "  Jewish  Eights  " 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  held  at  the  close  of  the  Napoleonic 
Wars,  proved  of  considerable  importance  in  the  history  of 
Jewish  emancipation,  though  the  narrative  of  the  subject  has 
been  very  much  neglected.  Probably  for  the  first  time  in 
modern  history,  Jewish  emancipation  was  officially  passed 
upon  at  a  conference  of  nations,  and  a  resolution  in  favor  of 
the  principle  was  adopted,  though  its  compromised  form  and 
the  reactionary  trend  of  events  were  such  that  it  did  not  lead 
to  as  pronounced  an  improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  Jews 
as  their  friends  had  hoped.  Jewish  communities  were  officially 
represented  at  the  Congress,  although  their  spokesmen  were  not 
actually  heard  at  any  official  sessions.  More  effective  work  was 
done  by  those  not  appearing  officially  through  envoys,  and  the 
greatest  statesmen  of  Europe  publicly  espoused  the  cause  of 
Jewish  emancipation  at  a  time  when,  even  in  their  own  lands, 
the  Jews  generally  labored  under  serious  disabilities.  A  sum- 
mary of  the  debates  on  the  subject  has  been  preserved  in 
Kliiber's  Aden  des  Wiener  Congresses,  and  in  some  of  the 
memorials  submitted  on  behalf  of  the  Jews,  which  sources  were 
sparingly  utilized  by  Jost  and  Graetz  in  their  histories  of  the 
Jews ;  but  the  numerous  memoirs  and  the  collections  of  letters 
of  leading  statesmen  who  figured  at  the  Congress  have  not  been 
drawn  upon  heretofore,  although  they  modify  Graetz's  conclu- 
sions materially.  Nor  have  specialized  histories  of  various 

1 


2  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

German  states  and  their  Jewish  communities,  particularly 
those  published  during  the  past  half -century,  been  heretofore 
utilized,  while  a  great  deal  of  material  still  exists  in  MS.  in 
European  archives.  Unfortunately,  the  war  has  not  only 
made  it  impossible  to  secure  unpublished  MS.  material  in 
Germany  and  Austria,  but  several  scores  of  relevant  printed 
works,  chiefly  German,  which  the  writer  has  seen  cited,  could 
not  be  found  in  this  country. 

The  conditions  that  confronted  Europe  at  the  Congress  of 
Vienna  were,  in  important  respects,  similar  to  those  that  are 
likely  to  confront  the  Peace  Conference  to  meet  at  the  close  of 
the  present  war.  The  Napoleonic  Wars,  like  the  one  in  which 
civilization  is  now  involved,  saw  material  improvement  wrought 
in  the  civil  and  political  condition  of  the  Jews,  and  the  im- 
portant question  arose,  whether  the  concert  of  the  powers  would 
safeguard  these  landmarks  of  civilization,  or  let  each  German 
state  arbitrarily  deal  with  them  as  it  chose,  at  a  time  when 
public  opinion  was  still  inadequately  formed,  and  when  there 
was  a  strong  tendency  toward  reaction  and  antagonism  toward 
the  French  revolutionary  spirit.  This  had  established  the 
abhorred  revolutionary  governments  and  measures,  which  force 
of  arms  had  now  unseated  or  called  in  question.  It  is  to  the 
signal  credit  of  the  greatest  of  the  statesmen  assembled  at 
Vienna  that  they  did  not  choose  the  line  of  least  resistance,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  adopted  a  resolution  on  the  subject,  restricting 
individual  German  states  from  curtailing  Jewish  rights.  More- 
over, this  Congress  established  an  important  international 
precedent  in  treating  humanitarian  questions,  which  had  pre- 
viously been  regarded  as  matters  of  mere  internal  arrangement 
for  each  state.  Freedom  and  equal  rights  for  all  Christian 
denominations  were  affirmatively  guaranteed  throughout  the 
German  states,  and  religious  equality  and  liberty  for  all 
creeds  in  the  Netherlands.  Freedom  of  emigration  from  state 
to  state  in  Germany  was  granted,  and  concerted  efforts  were 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.       3 

made  toward  the  abolition  of  the  slave-trade.  Whatever  its 
shortcomings,  the  Congress  of  Vienna  set  precedents  which 
greatly  tended  to  promote  the  cause  of  civilization  and  hu- 
manity. Moreover,  as  regards  its  provision  for  Jewish  rights, 
its  determination,  in  the  autumn  of  1816,  called  forth  an 
emphatic  protest  against  the  course  of  the  city  of  Frankf  ort-on- 
the-Main  in  persecuting  its  Jews,  in  violation  of  this  treaty, 
which  took  the  shape  of  identic  notes  from  Austria,  Prussia, 
England  and  Russia,  probably  the  earliest  joint  international 
correspondence  for  the  protection  of  Jewish  rights. 

The  French  Eevolution,  consciously  to  a  great  extent  follow- 
ing our  American  precedent,  had  emancipated  the  Jews  in 
France  and  Holland,  and  its  influence  in  Italy,  Germany  and 
Austria  had  also  been  strongly  in  favor  of  abolishing  Jewish 
disabilities. 

In  the  Kingdom  of  Westphalia,  which  Napoleon  had  estab- 
lished, an  effective  scheme  for  Jewish  emancipation  was 
adopted  and  proclaimed.  Karl  von  Dalberg,  the  Prince-Primate 
of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  had  greatly  alleviated 
Jewish  disabilities  in  Frankfort,  and  granted  enlarged  rights 
on  December  28,  1811,  in  consideration  of  large  payments  in 
money  and  bonds,  though  his  edict  was  repudiated  by  the 
municipality  in  1814. 

Bremen  and  Liibeck  at  length  saw  Jews  privileged  to  settle 
there,  and  Hamburg  found  their  rights  there  greatly  enlarged, 
but  in  1814  voted  against  a  confirmation  of  Jewish  emancipa- 
tion. States  like  Prussia  in  1812,  and  Bavaria  in  1813,  had 
voluntarily  followed  the  French  precedents,  and  enlarged  Jew- 
ish rights  under  the  influence  of  French  ideas  and  the  more 
liberal  spirit  of  the  day.  But  scarcely  had  Napoleon  been  con- 
quered, in  1814,  than  strong  efforts  were  made  to  repeal  all  the 
ameliorating  laws  which  revolutionary  and  semi-revolutionary 
governments  had  passed,  and  the  Jews  eagerly  sought  relief  at 


4  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Vienna  of  a  congress  entrusted  with  the  duty  of  establishing 
a  German  confederation.1 

The  Jews  of  Frankfort  were  officially  represented  at  the 
Congress  by  Jacob  Baruch,  the  father  of  Ludwig  Boerne,  and 
by  G.  G.  Uffenheim,3  J.  J.  Gumprecht  being  also  active,  as 
a  petitioner/  and  they  submitted  an  able,  extant  memorial  and 
petition  to  the  Congress  on  October  10,  1814.4  On  May  12, 
1815,  they  addressed  a  letter  to  Prince  Hardenberg,  the  Prus- 
sian Chancellor,8  which  evoked  a  most  sympathetic  answer 
from  that  distinguished  statesman.8  Prince  Hardenberg  and 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  were  the  leading  advocates  of  Jewish 

1  Von  Ronne  and  Simon,  in  Die  frilheren  und  gegenwartigen  Ver- 
hdltnisse  der  Juden  des  preussischen  Staates,  Breslau,  1843,  p.  19, 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Jews  had  petitioned  earlier 
peace-congresses  held  during  the  Napoleonic  Wars  for  measures  of 
emancipation.  In  fact,  Michel  Berr  presented  an  appeal  for  a 
Jewish  Congress  at  Lun6ville  in  1801,  Sulamith,  vol.  ii,  pt.  2, 
p.  320;  vol.  v,  pt.  2,  pp.  277-8,  which  is  summarized  in  Kirwan's 
translation  of  Tama's  "  Transactions  of  the  Parisian  Sanhedrin," 
pp.  63-84.  Even  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia  of  1648,  ending  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  has  been  construed  by  a  learned  commentator 
as  providing  for  Jewish  toleration.  See  Putter,  Geschichte  des 
westfalischen  Friedens,  Gottingen,  1795,  p.  353,  cited  in  Ruffini's 
"  Religious  Liberty,"  New  York,  1912,  p.  230.  I  am  indebted  for 
valuable  references  utilized  in  this  paper  to  Profs.  Gotthard 
Deutsch  and  Alexander  Marx,  Dr.  K.  Kohler,  Albert  M.  Frieden- 
berg,  Leon  Hiihner,  A.  S.  Freidus,  and  A.  S.  Oko,  and  to  my 
wife.  I  am  also  greatly  indebted  to  Frederic  W.  Erb,  of  the  ref- 
erence department  of  the  Columbia  University  Library,  for  locating 
for  me,  often  in  libraries  in  distant  cities,  many  of  the  works 
cited  herein,  and  enabling  me  to  utilize  them  in  New  York.  See 
also,  my  paper,  "Jewish  Rights  at  International  Congresses,"  in 
The  American' Jewish  Year  Book,  5678,  p.  106  et  seg. 

1  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  vi,  p.  610. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  403. 

4  IUd.,  pp.  396-415. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  415-7. 

"Ibid.,  pp.  417,  8;  see  infra,  p.  13. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.       5 

rights  at  the  Congress,  and  Metternich,  Gentz  and  Wessenberg 
aided  their  efforts.  Subsequently,  on  June  9,  1815,  immedi- 
ately after  the  Congress  adjourned,  Prince  Metternich,  its 
President,  addressed  letters  to  Baruch  and  Syndic  Danz,  con- 
firming in  the  strongest  terms  the  view  that  the  Congress  had 
secured  the  rights  of  the  Jews  in  Frankfort,7  and  such  a  letter 
was  also  sent  by  Metternich,  and  another  by  Prince  Harden- 
berg  the  next  day,  as  will  be  shown  later,  to  the  representative  of 
the  Jews  of  the  Hanseatic  towns  (pp.  30-2).  The  Jews  of 
Bremen,  Hamburg  and  Liibeck  had  selected  as  their  representa- 
tive at  the  Congress  Dr.  Carl  August  Buchholz  of  Liibeck,  an 
able  jurist,  who  had  a  short  time  before  prepared  an  illuminat- 
ing exposition  of  the  duty  of  Jewish  emancipation,  and  who 
submitted  an  able,  printed  memorial  to  the  Congress,  and  held 
numerous  conferences  with  Humboldt,  Friedrich  von  Gentz, 
the  distinguished  Secretary  of  the  Congress,  and  others  on  their 
behalf.  Sir  Adolphus  W.  Ward,  in  his  chapters  on  "  The  Con- 
gress of  Vienna  "  in  The  Cambridge  Modern  History "  refers  to 
the  Jews  of  Strassburg  as  also  being  officially  represented,  but  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  this  was  a  mistaken  reference  to  Hamburg.* 
Of  course,  unofficially,  many  other  Jewish  communities  and 
leaders  were  active  at  the  Congress  in  the  cause  of  Jewish 
emancipation,  particularly  the  Jewish  communities  of  Prague, 
Berlin  and  Vienna,  and  individuals  like  the  Eothschilds, 
Lamel  of  Prague,  and  the  Arnstein,  Herz,  and  Eskeles  families 
of  Vienna.  Nor  should  one  overlook  the  brilliant  group  of 

T  Ibid.,  pp.  418-23;  see  infra,  p.  29. 

1  Vol.  ix,  p.  588. 

•  However,  it  is  quite  possible  that  Ward's  statement  is  correct, 
and  we  read,  for  example,  that  Michel  Berr,  who  had  done  so  much 
for  Jewish  emancipation  in  France  and  was,  see  supra,  Secretary  of 
the  Napoleonic  Sanhedrin,  petitioned  the  Congress  of  Vienna  for 
relief.  See  Sulamith,  vol.  v,  pt.  2,  p.  275,  quoting  one  of  his  letters 
from  the  Journal  de  France,  October  20,  1818.  See  his  biography, 
by  I.  Broyde",  in  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  s.  v. 


6  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Jewish  soZon-leaders  of  the  day,  Fanny  von  Arnstein,  Cecilie 
von  Eskeles,  Madame  Ephraim,  Madame  Pereyra  and  Madame 
Herz  of  Vienna,  and  Eahel  Levin  Varnhagen  von  Ense,  and 
Dorothea  Mendelssohn  von  Schlegel,  with  whom  so  many  of 
the  statesmen  and  potentates  assembled  were  on  intimate  terms, 
and  whose  patriotism  and  intellectual  gifts  were  so  much  ad- 
mired. Strangely  enough,  the  work  of  the  Congress  called  the 
husbands  of  the  last-named  two,  with  their  wives,  to  Vienna, 
there  to  join  their  scarcely  less  famous  associates.  It  was 
naturally  impossible  to  meet  such  brilliant  people  socially  day 
by  day,  and  yet  uphold  the  theory  that  they  were  not  entitled  to 
equal  civil  and  political  rights  and  privileges. 

The  Congress  of  Vienna  was  in  session  from  about  the  end 
of  September,  1814,  until  June  9,  1815.  An  almost  innumer- 
able host  of  potentates  and  their  representatives  were  in  atten- 
dance, so  that  it  was  practically  impossible  to  accomplish  much 
at  formal  sessions,  and  nearly  all  the  work  was  done  at  con- 
ferences of  four,  five  or  nine  great  powers,  the  great  majority 
of  envoys  never  being  admitted  even  to  any  formal  session, 
while  brilliant  social  entertainments  filled  up  the  time.  As 
controversies  as  to  the  disposition  to  be  made  of  Poland  and 
Saxony  and  differences  as  to  establishing  a  strong  German  Con- 
federation created  almost  interminable  deadlocks,  the  Prince 
de  Ligne's  famous  bon  mot  was  justified,  le  congres  danse, 
mais  il  ne  marche  pas.  Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba  and  his 
reestablishment  hurried  its  work  at  the  close  and  left  much, 
which  might  otherwise  have  been  agreed  upon,  unaccomplished. 
While  Metternich,  Castlereagh,  Wellington,  Alexander  I,  of 
Russia,  Prince  Hardenberg,  Stein,  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt, 
Nesselrode  and  Talleyrand  were  probably  its  chief  figures, 
Ward's  adoption  of  von  Gagern's  statement10  is  substantially 
correct,  that  the  substance  of  the  work  of  the  Congress  was 

»•  Supra,  p.  580. 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.       7 

carried  on  by  a  select  group  of  political  experts,  consisting  of 
Wessenberg  Clancarty,  Dalberg,  Humboldt,  Gentz  and  La 
Besnardiere.  The  subject  of  Jewish  rights  came  up  formally 
chiefly  at  the  sessions  of  the  Committee  on  German  Affairs,  at 
the  beginning  and  again  at  the  closing  sessions  of  the  Congress, 
the  earlier  meetings  of  this  Committee  having  been  suspended 
without  accomplishing  anything  substantial.  At  the  sessions  of 
the  Committee  on  German  Affairs,  consisting  of  representa- 
tives of  Austria,  Prussia,  Bavaria,  Hanover  and  Wiirttemberg, 
Prince  Metternich,  on  October  16,  1814,  submitted  a  draft  of 
twelve  articles  for  a  German  Constitution  on  behalf  of  Austria 
and  Prussia  as  a  basis  for  discussion.11  Metternich  and  Baron 
von  Wessenberg  represented  Austria  at  these  conferences, 
Prince  Hardenberg  and  Humboldt,  Prussia,  and  the  Count  of 
Minister  and  Count  Hardenberg,  Hanover,  then  a  British  pos- 
session. The  draft  in  question  is  entitled  as  offered  on  behalf 
of  Hanover  as  well  as  of  Austria  and  Prussia.1*  Article  2  of 
this  Constitution  made  it  one  of  the  purposes  of  the  proposed 
confederation  to  "  safeguard  internally  the  constitutional  rights 
of  every  class  of  the  nation,"  u  and  Prince  Wrede,  the  Bavarian 
envoy,  at  once  contended  that  this  phrase  seemed  to  be  too 
broad,  particularly  with  respect  to  the  Jews,  as  it  might  well 
be  considered  that  they  were  not  to  enjoy  in  a  particular  state 
equal  privileges  with  the  rest.  He  contented  himself  with  the 
declaration  that  only  constitutional  rights  were  involved,  and 
that  no  sovereign's  rights  would  thereby  be  curtailed,  if  such 
rights  were  not  defined  in  the  Constitution,  and  reiterated  these 
objections  in  a  written  declaration  soon  afterwards."  At  the 

11  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  ii,  p.  79. 

a  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  57.  See  Wilhelm  A.  Schmidt,  Geschichte 
der  deutschen  Verfassungsfrage,  edited  by  Alfred  Stern,  Stuttgart, 
1890,  pp.  209,  234  and  passim. 

"  Kliiber,  idem. 

"  IUd.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  80,  91. 


8  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

session  of  October  20,  Wiirttemberg  also  declared  that  a  fuller 
and  more  definite  formulation  of  the  constitutional  rights  of 
every  class  of  the  nation  was  requisite,15  in  which  view  Prince 
Metternich  acquiesced.1"  Count  Winzingerode  also  refused  to 
consent,  by  the  instructions  of  the  Wiirttemberg  Government, 
to  such  a  curtailment  of  the  rights  of  constituent  sovereign 
states,"  while  Count  Minister  with  Count  Hardenberg  on  behalf 
of  Hanover  emphasized  the  absolute  necessity  of  defining  the 
rights  of  every  German  subject."  A  resolution  to  define  the 
constitutional  rights  of  every  subject  was  thereupon  adopted.1" 
In  December,  1814,  Count  Wessenberg,  an  Austrian  repre- 
sentative, submitted  a  new  draft,  which  contained  an  express, 
though  limited,  provision  in  favor  of  the  Jews  **;  it  provided  a 
guarantee  of  equal  civil  rights  for  all  Christians,  namely, 
Catholics,  Lutherans  and  Eeformers,  with  the  further  com- 
ment "  N".  B.,  the  toleration  of  the  Jews  is  to  be  here  incor- 
porated." 

ulbid.,  p.  97. 

19  Ibid.,  p.  88. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  107. 

u  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  107,  and  vol.  i,  p.  68  at  p.  70. 

19  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  108. 

20  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pt.  1  at  p.  5.    See  Schmidt's  account,  supra,  pp.  301- 
2,  447-56,  58  et  seq.,  of  the  efforts  to  secure  provisions  for  religious 
liberty,  and  particularly  his  reference,  ibid.,  p.  302,  to  an  unpub- 
lished letter  of  Dr.  Buchholz,  evidently  in  the  Berlin  Archives, 
"  No.  102.    Reclamations  des  Juifs,"  urging  that  Prussia  should 
not  permit  the  curtailment  of  rights  already  enjoyed  by  the  Jews 
in  that  country  through  the  power  to  be  conferred  on  the  Bundestag 
by  the  Constitution.     Arneth's  Wessenberg,  Vienna  and  Leipzig, 
1898,  two  volumes,  contains  much  new  material  regarding  Wessen- 
berg's  activities  at  the  Congress,  based  on  his  diary  and  corre- 
spondence, but  seems  to  ignore  his  pro-Jewish  activities,  though  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  those  documents  contain  some  specific  refer- 
ences.   See  also,  A.  Fournier,  Gentz  und  Wessenberg,  Vienna,  1907. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.       9 

It  is  probable  that  the  Austro-Prussian  draft  was  intended 
to  secure  liberal  provisions  for  Jewish  rights,  though  purposely 
left  vague  and  indefinite.  Prince  Hardenberg  and  Baron 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  had  long  previously  espoused  the 
Jewish  cause,  and  Metternich  and  Gentz  were  friendly  disposed 
toward  it.  Baron  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  already  in  1809  had 
prepared  a  detailed  report  for  the  Prussian  Government  on 
Jewish  emancipation  in  Prussia,  going  far  beyond  Dohm's 
famous  work,  which  undoubtedly  promoted  the  passage  of  the 
Prussian  law  of  1812,  and  he  had  given  the  subject  deep 
thought,  and  was  on  intimate  terms  with  prominent  Jews  and 
Jewesses.  Humboldt's  report  is  the  ablest,  most  convincing 
and  most  profound  treatment  of  the  subject  known'to  me,  and 
it  is  remarkable  that  then  already  he  emphasized  the  fact  that 
a  single  state  could  not  by  itself  satisfactorily  solve  the 
problem."  Prince  Hardenberg  had  been  largely  responsible 
for  the  promulgation  of  the  Prussian  edict  of  1812,  which  the 
King  of  Prussia  issued  only  after  much  urging  and  with  a 
great  deal  of  hesitancy.  Smidt,  Bremen's  representative  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  in  a  private  letter  to  the  Senate  of  that 
city,  dated  October  10,  1817,  recently  published,"  reports  that 

21  See  Appendix  A,  infra,  p.  71,  containing  a  translation  of  this 
treatise  and  an  outline  of  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  relations  to  the 
Jews,  infra,  p.  63.  The  report  is  to  be  found  in  Wilhelm  von  Hum- 
boldt's Gesammelte  Schriften,  edited  by  B.  Gebhardt,  Berlin,  1903, 
vol.  x,  pp.  97-115.  Substantially  the  same  document  is  printed  in 
Freund,  Die  Emanzipation  der  Juden  in  Preussen,  Berlin,  1912, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  269-82,  to  which  are  added  concurring  opinions  by  Hum- 
boldt's associates.  See  also  Gebhardt's  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  als 
Staatsmann,  1894,  vol.  i,  pp.  310-322;  Ludwig  Geiger's  articles  on 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  und  die  Juden,  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des 
Judentums,  vol.  Ixxvi,  pp.  69-70,  593-4. 

"Schwemer,  Geschichte  der  Freien  Stadt  Frankfurt,  vol.  1, 
p.  399. 


10  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Privy  Councillor  Stagemann  M  and  others  in  the  entourage  of 
Prince  Hardenberg,  had  told  him  that  the  King  of  Prussia's 
signature  to  the  edict  had  been  secured  only  by  Hardenberg's 
assurances  that  the  other  German  states  would  surely  follow 
Prussia's  example,  and  thus  the  wholesale  immigration  of  Jews 
into  Prussia  from  other  German  states,  where  less  favorable 
laws  prevailed,  would  be  avoided.  Smidt  adds  that  the  Jews 
were  indebted  for  their  protection  almost  exclusively  to  Prince 
Hardenberg  and  the  officials  immediately  under  him.14  This 

"Ludwig  Geiger,  in  Monatsschrift  fur  Geschichte  und  Wissen- 
schaft  des  Judentums,  vol.  lii,  pp.  102-5  (1908),  in  summarizing 
passages  from  Stagemann's  recently  printed  correspondence  in 
his  daughter,  Hedwig  von  Olfers'  biography,  mentioned  the  fact 
that  Stagemann  stated  that  Baroness  von  Arnstein  was  especially 
affable  to  him  on  January  12,  1815,  when  he  had  just  prepared 
a  particularly  satisfactory  resolution  for  the  Congress  in  favor 
of  the  Jewish  communities  of  Hamburg,  Bremen  and  Lubeck. 
Stagemann  also  noted  his  friend  Hedemann's  surprise  on  learn- 
ing that  the  members  of  the  Arnstein  family  and  Mariamne  Saaling 
were  not  baptized.  Many  excerpts  from  Stagemann's  pen  throwing 
light  on  the  Jewish  salons  of  Vienna  of  this  time  may  be  found  in 
Regina  Neiszer's  review,  Aus  vergangenen  Tagen,  in  Allgemeine 
Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol.  Ixxiii,  pp.  476-8  (1909),  of  this  same 
work,  Hedwig  von  Olfers,  Ein  LebensUld,  Berlin,  1908.  Doubtless, 
influence  was  also  exerted  through  Jacob  Salomon  Bartholdy  of 
the  Prussian  delegation  in  favor  of  Jewish  emancipation.  Bar- 
tholdy was  a  nephew  of  Mmes.  Arnstein  and  Eskeles,  and  of  David 
Friedlander,  and  a  grandson  of  Daniel  Itzig,  one  of  the  royal 
Prussian  bankers,  of  Berlin,  and  he  himself  was  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Viennese  militia,  1812-13,  soon  thereafter  becoming  Prussian 
Consul-General  at  Rome.  See,  as  to  him,  von  Gagern's  Mein 
Antheil  an  der  Politik,  vol.  iii,  pp.  311-5,  and  the  biography  in 
"  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia." 

*  See,  for  a  contemporaneous  Lubeck  confirmation  of  this  state- 
ment, Carlebach's  Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Lubeck  und  Moisling, 
Lubeck,  1898,  p.  68.  Alfred  Stern's  interesting  Abhandlungen  und 
Aktenstucke,  pp.  260,  261,  shows  that  the  King  himself  at  the 
eleventh  hour  made  unfavorable  changes  in  the  edict  of  1812,  and 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     11 

was  assigned  as  one  of  the  chief  grounds  for  Hardenberg's 
efforts  to  secure  Jewish  emancipation  for  all  Germany  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna.  It  appears,  however,  that  two  years  later, 
in  October,  1817,  the  King  of  Prussia  in  writing  instructed 
Hardenberg  to  cease  advocating  the  Jewish  cause  on  behalf  of 
Prussia  as  against  Frankfort  at  the  Bundestag" 

On  January  4,  1815,  Prince  Hardenberg  wrote  a  strong 
letter  in  favor  of  the  Jews  to  Count  Grothe,  Prussian  Envoy 
at  Hamburg,  at  the  instance  of  Dr.  Buchholz,  their  representa- 
tive.2* He  referred  to  the  efforts  being  made  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  of  Hamburg,  Bremen  and 
Liibeck  for  full  and  equal  rights,  and  also  mentioned  the 

influence  which  Jewish  houses  exert  upon  the  system  of  credit  and 
commerce  of  the  various  German  states,  which  cannot  escape  the 
notice  of  the  Congress. 

He  stated  that  the  restrictions  recently  imposed  by  the  three 
designated  cities  on  Jewish  rights  have  all  the  more  aroused 
his  interest,  as  they  are  quite  regardless  of  the  future  determi- 
nations of  the  Congress,  and  wholly  inconsistent  with  the 
principles  of  the  Prussian  edict  of  March  11, 1812.  He  added 
the  following  cogent  passages : 

The  fate  of  the  Jews  in  the  remaining  provinces  and  cities  of  the 
northern  part  of  Germany  cannot,  since  the  enactment  of  the 
Prussian  law,  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  the  Prussian  state,  for 
continuing  oppression  and  abhorred  exclusion  from  rights,  to 
which  they  are  entitled  as  men,  preserves  a  condition  of  immo- 
rality which  has  been  made  a  reproach  to  them.  The  intention  of 
our  Government  to  extinguish  the  traces  of  prejudice,  which  has 
arisen  merely  from  despicable  and  slavish  treatment,  by  accord- 
ing to  them  participation  in  all  civil  rights  and  duties,  has  been 

Freund,  supra,  pp.  205,  206,  confirms  this.  Compare  Lewin, 
Judengesetzgebung  Friedrich  Wilhelms  II,  in  Monatsschrift 
fiir  die  Geschichte  und  Wissenschaft  des  Judentums,  vol.  Ivii 
(1913). 

25  Schwemer,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  280 ;  see  also,  infra,  pp.  47,  48. 

*  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  i,  pt.  4,  pp.  77-80. 
2 


12  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

frustrated.  Moreover,  the  history  of  the  past  war  against  France 
has  shown  that  they  have  become  worthy,  through  true  devotion, 
of  the  state  which  has  taken  them  up.  The  young  men  of  the 
Jewish  faith  have  been  companions  in  arms  of  their  Christian 
fellow-citizens,  and  we  have  to  point  to  examples  of  true  courage 
and  vaunted  disregard  of  the  perils  of  war  among  them,  as  well 
as  among  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  and  their  women  also,  in 
particular,  have  mingled  with  the  Christians  in  sacrifices  of  every 
kind. 

If  in  other  parts  of  northern  Germany,  the  previously  hostile 
system  of  treating  the  Jews  continues,  it  must  necessarily  militate 
unfavorably  against  the  spirit  of  the  Prussian  Jews,  and  retard 
their  progress  among  us  also,  in  view  of  the  relations  in  which  the 
families  stand  to  each  other,  and  particularly  in  view  of  immigra- 
tion and  intermarriage.  Your  Excellency  is  therefore  respect- 
fully urged  by  me  to  indicate  the  attitude  of  the  Prussian  Govern- 
ment in  this  respect  towards  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Hamburg, 
Bremen  and  Liibeck,  and  to  induce  the  magistrates  and  corpora- 
tions of  these  cities  to  pursue  the  course,  with  respect  to  a  repeal 
of  measures  operating  prejudicially  toward  the  Jews,  which  the 
Prussian  state  adopted  through  the  edict  of  March  11,  1812,  equally 
at  the  behests  of  humanity  and  the  requirements  of  the  time,  and 
in  accord  with  a  prudent  system  of  state  policy.  In  addition,  it 
will  not  have  been  overlooked  by  your  Excellency,  as  I  have 
myself  already  remarked  in  promoting  the  disposition  of  our 
Government,  that  the  commercial  interests  of  the  cities  them- 
selves suggest  a  milder  treatment  of  their  Jewish  inhabitants,  as 
they  would,  after  all,  not  succeed  in  depriving  the  Jewish  houses 
of  their  already  acquired  wealth,  and  continued  persecution  would 
merely  incline  the  Jews  to  remove  with  their  capital,  which  is  so 
valuable  to  the  Hanseatic  towns,  to  other  cities,  in  which  the 
same  rights  as  the  Christian  inhabitants  possess  would  be  accorded 
to  them.  Looking  forward  to  early  advices  as  to  the  results  of 
your  efforts 

C.  F.  VON  HARDENBERG." 
Vienna,  January  4,  1815. 
To  the  Royal  Representative, 
COUNT  DE  GBOTHE, 

Hamburg. 

"  On  the  same  day  that  he  wrote  this  letter  Prince  Hardenberg 
furnished  a  copy  of  it  to  Dr.  Buchholz,  and  assured  him  that  his 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     13 

Similarly,  in  answer  to  the  petition  by  Jacob  Baruch  and 
G.  G.  Uffenheim  on  behalf  of  the  Frankfort  Jewish  commu- 
nity, dated  Vienna,  May  12,  1815,  Prince  Hardenberg 
wrote :  * 

With  respect  to  your  memorial  of  the  12th  of  this  month,  on 
behalf  of  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  I  have 
no  hesitancy  in  advising  you  that,  in  view  of  the  compact 
entered  into  by  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Frankfort  with  their 
former  sovereign  on  December  28,  1811,  and  performed  on  their 
part,  they  are  justified  in  assuming  that  they  do  not  require 
Prussian  intercession  on  their  behalf  at  the  Congress  at  all,  as  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  the  status  of  the  Frankfort  Jewish  com- 
munity is  legally  established  and  lawfully  fixed. 

In  as  far,  however,  as  the  Jewish  residents  of  the  city  of  Frank- 
fort seek  to  extend  their  civil  rights  beyond  the  compact  made 
with  their  former  sovereign,  I  would  advise  you  to  await  the  action 
of  the  Congress  with  respect  to  the  civil  rights  of  the  Jews  in 
Germany,  and  meanwhile  to  rest  all  the  more  assured  of  support 
from  this  quarter,  as  Prussia  has  already  been  in  the  van  in  adopt- 
ing a  special  law  in  favor  of  her  Jewish  subjects. 

C.  F.  VON  HARDENBERG. 

Vienna,  May  18, 1815. 

The  recipients  of  these  letters,  however,  would  have  had  little 
opportunity  to  argue  in  Vienna  in  support  of  their  mission,  had 
Austrian  official  support  not  been  accorded  to  them,  for  we  learn 
from  a  work,  published  as  late  as  1913  by  A.  Fournier,  Die 
Qeheimpolizei  auf  dem  Wiener  Kongress"  that  soon  after 

efforts  at  the  Congress  would  command  his  support,  Carlebach, 
supra,  p.  67.  Some  weeks  later,  February  13,  1815,  L.  I* 
von  Hofner,  Austrian  charge  d'affaires  at  Hamburg,  wrote  in  a 
sharper  but  similar  strain  to  the  Hanseatic  towns  at  the  direction 
of  his  court,  ibid.,  pp.  68-9.  In  the  course  of  his  letter  to  Lubeck  he 
referred  to  the  measures  for  Jewish  emancipation  as  being  de- 
manded by  "  the  dictates  of  humanity,  the  requirements  of  the 
time  and  a  system  of  fatherly  affection  on  the  part  of  the  state." 

28  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  vi,  pp.  415-8. 

n  Pp.  207-8. 


14  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Baruch  and  Gumprecht  arrived  in  Vienna,  a  member  of  the 
secret  police  service,  on  October  27,  1814,  recommended  their 
immediate  explusion,  as  a  simple  device  to  end  their  pro-Jewish 
propaganda !  It  is  interesting  to  learn  from  these  records  that 
it  was  Mayer  Amschel  Eothschild,  in  conjunction  with  Gum- 
precht, who  had  induced  the  Prince-Primate  in  1811  to  make 
the  compact  with  the  Jews  of  Frankfort,  which  the  city  was 
now  repudiating,  and  that  Gumprecht  was  constantly  their 
delegate  and  spokesman.  It  is  stated  that  he  was  a  Prussian 
by  birth,  had  studied  for  several  years  at  the  Universities  of 
Jena  and  Gottingen,  and  had  lived  at  Frankfort  with  his  wife 
for  eight  years. 

Jacob  Baruch,  Ludwig  Boerne's  father,  Gumprecht's  fellow- 
delegate,  was  also  a  man  of  standing  and  ability,  and  Ludwig 
Boerne  prepared  several  elaborate  treatises,  shortly  before  the 
Congress  met,  on  the  subject  of  the  rights  of  the  Jews  of 
Frankfort.1" 

Gutzkow,  in  his  life  of  Boerne,  referred  to  the  fact  that 
Baruch,  the  father,  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  schoolmate  of 
Metternich,  and  rendered  him  politico-diplomatic  services  from 
time  to  time,  and  that  the  Jewish  community  of  Frankfort 
tendered  Baruch  a  present  of  8000  ft.  for  his  work  at  the  Con- 
gress. Baruch  refused  to  accept  the  gift.  Ludwig  Geiger  in  his 
edition  of  Boerne's  works,  published  a  note  on  Jacob  Baruch's 
career  and  character.*1  Baruch's  activities  at  the  Congress  and 
the  intervention  of  the  Eothschild  family  in  favor  of  Jewish 
emancipation,  are  well  described  by  Karl  Varnhagen  von  Ense, 
the  husband  of  the  famous  Eahel  Levin,  who  was  himself  one 
of  Prince  Hardenberg's  subordinates.  Varnhagen  in  his 

*°  They  were  published,  with  notes,  in  vols.  iv  and  v  of  Zeitschrift 
filr  die  Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Deutschland,  as  Jugendarbeiten 
Ludwig  Boerne's  iiber  judische  Dinge,  by  G.  Schnapper-Arndt; 
see  infra,  pp.  44-5. 

81  Berlin,  1913,  vol.  ix. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     15 

Denkwiirdigkeiten"  in  writing  on  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
said: 

Though  the  power  of  the  house  of  Rothschild  was  then  only  in 
a  formative  stage,  nevertheless  its  support  of  the  demands  of  the 
Frankfort  Jews  for  citizenship  there,  as  well  as  of  the  Jews  in 
general  for  universal  German  citizenship,  stood  them  in  good 
stead.  To  that  cause  Jacob  Baruch  devoted  himself  particularly, 
a  brave  and  fine  man,  the  father  of  the  subsequently  famous 
Boerne,  and  advocacy  of  the  Jews  of  Lubeck  was  entrusted  to 
Dr.  Buchholz.  This  cause  was  impressed  upon  me  strongly  from 
various  sides,  but  came  before  me  officially  only  incidentally. 

Much  interesting  information  regarding  Jewish  activities  at 
the  Congress  is  contained  in  Dr.  S.  Carlebach's  Geschichte  der 
Juden  in  Lubeck  und  Moisting,  based  largely  on  an  examina- 
tion of  the  congregational  archives  of  that  city,  although 
access  to  the  municipal  archives  was  refused  to  him.  Moses 
Bloch  of  Lubeck  took  the  lead  in  the  work  of  endeavoring  to 
keep  in  force  the  French,  pro-Jewish,  enactments,  and  excerpts 
from  his  correspondence  with  others  active  in  the  cause  are 
published  by  Carlebach.*3  He  turned  first  for  advice  to  David 
Friedlander  of  Berlin,  the  distinguished  champion  of  Kefonn, 
who  had  been  active  in  the  Prussian  movement  for  Jewish 
emancipation  and  was  married  to  another  daughter  of  Itzig.8* 
Bloch  was  also  in  close  correspondence  with  Jacob  Oppenhei- 
mer  of  Hamburg,  who  acted  as  chairman  of  a  joint  committee 
of  the  Jewish  communities  of  the  Hanseatic  towns,  formed  at 

0  Vol.  iii,  p.  255.  "  P.  61  et  seg. 

**  See  I.  H.  Hitter,  "  David  Friedlander,"  vol.  ii,  in  his  Geschichte 
der  jiidischen  Reformation,  1861;  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  s.  v., 
David  Friedlander,  and  works  there  cited ;  Appendix  A,  I,  infra,  p. 
67;  and  Ludwig  Geiger's  history  of  the  Jews  of  Berlin;  Freund's 
Die  Emanzipation  der  Juden  in  Preussen,  Berlin,  1912;  Lewin's 
Die  Judengesetzgebung  Friedrich  Wilhelms  II,  in  Monatsschrift, 
supra;  Adolf  Kohut,  Alexander  von  Humboldt  und  die  Juden,  Leip- 
zig, 1871,  pp.  68-95,  and  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol. 
Ixxiii,  pp.  247-51,  262,  263,  284-6;  Ludwig  Geiger,  Vortrdge  und 
Versuche,  Dresden,  1890,  pp.  87-9,  131-52,  224,  225,  242,  243,  269,  270. 


16  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Friedlander's  suggestion."  A  niece  of  Oppenheimer  subse- 
quently married  Francis  Lieber,88  and  a  son  married  Dr.  Buch- 
holz's  daughter. *  The  invitations  to  attend  the  joint  confer- 
ence of  representatives  of  the  Jewish  communities  of  Ham- 
burg, Bremen  and  Liibeck  were  signed  by  Notary  Bresselau  of 
Hamburg,  who  subsequently  rendered  valuable  services  in 
modernizing  the  Jews  of  Germany.  It  appears  that  a  member 
of  the  Hamburg  branch  of  the  Schiff  family  was  also  active  in 
the  conferences  on  Jewish  emancipation  held  in  connection 
with  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 

The  printed  memorial  submitted  by  Dr.  Buchholz  was  an 
able  plea  for  Jewish  emancipation.  In  addition  to  following 
the  outlines  of  Dohm's  famous  work  of  1781,  it  incorporated 
cogent  arguments  based  upon  emancipatory  laws  meanwhile 
enacted,  and  emphasized  in  some  detail  the  patriotism  of  the 
Jews  in  the  Napoleonic  Wars.  It  is  a  booklet  of  157  pages, 
with  a  preface  of  four  pages,  dated  Vienna,  December,  1814. 
Dr.  Buchholz,  as  shown  by  the  diary  of  Friedrich  von  Gentz, 
was  in  constant  communication  concerning  the  subject  of 
Jewish  rights  with  him  during  the  Congress  beginning  April 
16,  1815.  At  several  of  these  conferences  Humboldt  partici- 
pated.** Carlebach  published  much  interesting  information 
about  Buchholz  and  his  work  ** ;  at  his  own  instance,  Buchholz 

"  Carlebach,  supra,  p.  62,  letter  of  August  20,  1814.  See  M.  M. 
Haarbleicher,  Zwei  Epochen  aits  der  Geschichte  der  deutsch- 
israelitischen  Gemeinde  in  Hamburg,  Hamburg,  1867,  p.  122  et  seq. 

"Isler's  Gabriel  Riesser,  1867,  p.  587;  Perry's  "  Lieber,"  vol.  i, 
pp.  68,  82,  86,  390. 

*T  Carlebach,  supra,  p.  97. 

88  Gentz,  TageMcher,  vol.  i,  pp.  372,  380,  381,  382,  383,  385,  386. 

"  Pp.  56,  63  et  seq.  See  also,  Buchholz's  biography  in  "  The  Jew- 
ish Encyclopedia,"  which  unfortunately  overlooked  Carlebach's 
book.  A  long  and  favorable  review  of  Buchholz's  work  appeared 
in  the  semi-official  Oesterreichischer  Beobachter,  March  2,  1815, 
reprinted  in  Sulamith,  vol.  iv,  pt  &  pp.  178-87,  which  probably 
greatly  helped  the  Jewish  cause. 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     17 

had  previously  espoused  the  Jewish  cause  and  written  in  favor 
of  emancipation,  including  a  valuable  64-page  work,  Ueber  die 
Aufnahme  der  jiidischen  Glaubensgenossen  zum  Burgerrecht* 

Some  weeks  prior  to  this,  von  Gentz  had  a  conference  on 
March  9,  with  Simon  Edler  von  Lamel  of  Prague,  the  dis- 
tinguished Jewish  patriot,41  and  he  accepted  a  commission  from 
him  to  urge  Jewish  emancipation  at  the  Congress.  Pursuant 
thereto  he  held  numerous  conferences  with  Lamel,  and  pre- 
pared a  memorial  in  favor  of  Jewish  emancipation.4*  More- 
over, one  of  von  Gentz's  closest  Viennese  friends  and  associates 
was  the  banker  Leopold  Herz,  and  he  was  possibly  the 
husband  of  LameFs  famous  daughter,  Elise  von  Lamel-Herz, 
both  of  whom  are  the  subjects  of  articles  in  "  The  Jewish 
Encyclopedia/'  ** 

The  enormous  social  influence  of  the  Herz  family  upon  the 
leaders  of  the  Congress  is  indicated  by  references  in  von  Gentz's 
diary  to  dinners  at  their  house  during  its  sessions  which  he 
attended.  For  instance,  under  date  of  February  2,  1815,44 

"Liibeck,  1814. 

*l  TageMcher,  supra,  p.  363. 

43  Ibid.,  pp.  365,  371,  374,  382,  383,  385,  386,  389.    See  Wilhelm  und 
Caroline  von  Humboldt  in  ihren  Briefen,  edited  by  A.  von  Sydow, 
vol.  iv,  pp.  565-7;   W.  Alison  Phillips'  sketch  of  Gentz  in  "The 
Encyclopaedia  Britannica,"  eleventh  edition,  vol.  xi. 

u  See  as  to  Lamel,  Wolf's  Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Wien,  Vienna, 
1876,  p.  106;  Der  jiidische  Plutarch,  Vienna,  1848,  vol.  i,  pp.  118-30; 
a  lengthy  necrology  in  the  supplement  to  No.  40  of  the  Allge- 
meine  Zeitung  des  Judentums  for  1845,  by  Dr.  G.,  a  Catholic; 
"  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  and  infra,  p.  33 ;  Ludwig  Geiger, 
Vortrage  und  Versuche,  supra,  pp.  219,  266..  Wolf  also  prints 
references  to  the  Herz  family. 

44  Tagebiicher,  supra,  p.  354.    A  long  and  interesting  account  of 
this  dinner  and  the  reception  that  followed  is  given  in  Aus  Karl 
von  Nostiszs  Leben  und  Briefwechsel,  Dresden,  1848,  pp.  166-8. 
This  shows  that  Wellington  here  made  his  first  appearance  at  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  and  all  the  world  rushed  in  to  see  the  famous 
hero.    Herz  is  there  described  as  Wellington's  banker. 


18  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

von  Gentz  mentions  dining  at  the  house  of  Herz  with  the  Duke 
of  Wellington,  Lord  Castlereagh,  Lord  Clancarty,  Prince 
Metternich,  Prince  Talleyrand,  Prince  Wentzel  Liechtenstein, 
Count  Lowenhelra,  Count  Palmella,  General  Roller,  General 
Czernitscheff,  Count  Charles  Zichy,  and  others.  Fournier's 
records  of  the  secret  police45  contain  some  of  the  comments 
that  passed  current  regarding  this  famous  dinner  at  the  Jewish 
banker's.  Gentz  also  refers  to  his  meeting  the  gifted  Dorothea 
Mendelssohn  von  Schlegel,  daughter  of  Moses  Mendelssohn, 
during  these  sessions.**  The  reference  to  Dorothea  Schlegel 
is  a  convenient  one  with  which  to  couple  the  provision  regard- 
ing Jewish  rights  which  her  distinguished  husband,  Friedrich 
von  Schlegel,  then  in  the  Austrian  service,  inserted  in  his  draft 
of  a  German  Constitution,  for  consideration  by  the  Congress, 
in  March,  1815.  It  read:47 

Article  IV,  §3.  In  order  that  the  benefit  of  religious  liberty 
shall  finally  be  enjoyed  by  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  various  Ger- 
man Confederated  States,  and  no  class  within  the  same  shall  be 
considered  as  disregarded  and  excluded  in  this  matter  by  the 
Fatherland,  the  Israelites  also,  throughout  the  dominions  of  the 
German  Confederacy,  shall  receive  complete  civil  rights.  All  dis- 

**  Supra,  p.  377  et  seq. 

*•  See  Henriette  Herz's  account  of  her  in  Fiirst,  Henriette  Herz, 
and  Kayserling,  Jiidische  Frauen.  Some  charming  letters  written 
by  her  during  the  Congress  are  printed  in  Dr.  J.  M.  Raich's 
Dorothea  v.  Schlegel  und  deren  Sohne,  Johannes  u.  Philipp  Veit, 
Mainz,  1881,  and  there  are  many  appreciative  references  to  her  in 
Humboldt's  correspondence.  See  Appendix  A,  I,  infra,  pp.  65-8; 
"The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  s.  v.,  Mendelssohn  (Dorothea) ;  Hensel, 
DieFamilie  Mendelssohn;  Unger,  Brief e  von  Dorothea  und  Wilhelm 
Schlegel  an  die  Familie  Paulus,  1913,  and  the  works  cited  in  the 
bibliography;  Ludwig  Geiger's  character  study,  in  Dichter  und 
Frauen,  Berlin,  1896,  pp.  128-150,  also  in  Deutsche  Rundschau,  vol. 
clx,  pp.  119-134  (1914). 

41  Pertz's  Leben  des  Ministers  Freiherrn  von  Stein,  vol.  iv,  p.  420, 
vol.  ii,  part  2,  p.  32;  see  Mejer,  Zur  Geschichte  der  romisch- 
deutschen  Frage,  1885. 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     19 

tinctions  and  disabilities  conflicting  with  the  rights  of  citizen- 
ship, under  which  they  have  till  now  labored,  shall  from  now  on 
cease  and  be  wholly  terminated;  on  the  other  hand,  the  Israelites 
shall  be  subject  to  military  service  in  the  same  manner  as  other 
citizens,  and  as  has  been  the  practice  in  most  of  the  German 
states  during  the  period  immediately  past. 

Most  prominent  among  the  social  festivities  during  the 
Congress,  with  the  sole  exception  of  official  functions,  were 
those  given  by  Baroness  Fanny  von  Arnstein,  wife  of  the 
wealthy  banker,  Nathan  von  Arnstein,  of  the  firm  of  Arnstein 
and  Eskeles,  her  sister,  Madame  Eskeles,,  being  a  close  second. 
They  were  the  daughters  of  Daniel  Itzig  and  their  homes  were 
the  centres  of  activity  for  the  Prussian  representatives  in  par- 
ticular, though  nearly  all  the  prominent  statesmen  of  the 
Congress  were  their  guests  from  time  to  time.  Varnhagen 
von  Ense  in  his  account  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  "  mentions 
the  fact  that  Madame  von  Arnstein's  salon  was  frequented  by 
Cardinal  Consalvi,  Prince  Hardenberg,  Wellington,  Capodis- 
trias  and  Pozzo  di  Borgo,  and  he  published  a  fine  tribute  to 
this  high-minded,  patriotic  Jewess,  as  also  a  detailed  sketch  of 
her  associates,  Sara  and  Mariane  Meyer,  who  became  Frau 
von  Grotthus  and  Frau  von  Eybenburg  respectively/'  Goethe 
was  an  admirer  of  the  former.  Dr.  Kayserling,  in  his 
Jiidische  Frauen,  published  long  and  sympathetic  accounts  of 
these  brilliant  Jewesses,  which  Berdrow's  biography  of  Eahel 
Levin  Varnhagen  supplements.  The  same  service  is  rendered 
by  the  collections  of  von  Gentz's  correspondence  published  very 

48  Denkwurdigkeit en,  vol.  iii,  p.  237;  see  Hedwig  von  Olfers, 
supra. 

"Ibid.,  pp.  407-16,  635.  See,  for  Sarah  and  Mariane  Meyer,  the 
detailed  bibliography  in  Ludwig  Geiger,  Vortrage  und  Versuche, 
supra,  pp.  219,  220,  267,  and  Varnhagen's  collection  of  twenty-five 
letters  from  Goethe  to  Madame  von  Grotthus  in  Denkwurdig- 
keiten,  vol.  iv. 


20  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

recently,  especially  that  with  Brinkmann."0  Gentz  reports  the 
Prince  de  Ligne's  bon  mot  regarding  Baron  von  Arnstein's 
elevation  to  a  baronetcy  in  1804  that  he  was  le  premier  baron 
du  Vieux  Testament*  The  volume  of  secret-police  reports," 
contains  a  report  of  an  entertainment  given  by  Baroness  von 
Arnstein  on  January  10,  1815,  attended  by  the  Prince  of 
Prussia,  Cardinal  Consalvi,  Prince  Trauttmansdorff,  Prince 
Hardenberg,  Prince  Hessen-Homburg,  Count  Capodistrias, 
Count  Keller,  Count  Solms,  Countess  Bernstorff,  and  others 
and  adds : 

People  say  that  Madame  von  Arnstein  planned  to  have  her 
tableaux  mouvants  surpass  even  those  of  the  Court  and  that  she 
accomplished  her  purpose. 

Other  brilliant  Jewish  salons  of  Vienna  at  this  period  were 
those  of  Madames  Pereyra,  Ephraim,  and  Levy.  The  banker 
Geymuller  is  also  described  in  some  of  the  histories  of  the 
time  as  a  Jew,  but  this  seems  to  be  a  mistake.  Of  course, 

w  Edited  by  Wittichen,  1910.  See  Landsberg,  Henriette  Herz, 
Weimar,  1913;  G.  Heinrici,  Brief e  von  Henriette  Herz  an  Twesten 
in  Zeitschrift  fur  Biicherfreunde,  new  series,  vol.  v,  pt.  2,  301-16, 
333-47  (1914) ;  Hahn  in  Nord  und  Siid,  October,  1892;  Adolf  Kohut, 
Alexander  von  Humboldt  und  die  Juden;  Wurzbach,  Bio- 
graphisches  Lexikon,  s.  v.,  Franziska  von  Arnstein;  Wilhelm  von 
Humboldt's  correspondence  with  Henriette  Herz  in  Aus  dem  Nach- 
lassVarnhagen  von  Ense's;  Brief  e  von  Chamisso,  etc.,  Leipzig,  1867, 
vol.  i,  pp.  21-133;  Sydow,  Wilhelm  und  Caroline  Humboldt  in  ihren 
Brief  en,  seven  volumes,  Berlin,  1907-14;  Grunwald,  Oesterreich's 
Juden  in  den  BefreiungsJcriegen,  Leipzig,  1908;  idem.,  Die  Feld- 
zilge  Napoleons,  Vienna  and  Leipzig,  1913;  Hedwig  von  Olfers, 
supra;  Ebstein,  Drei  neue  Bucher  ilber  Rahel  Levin  [biographies 
by  Ellen  Key,  Bertha  Badt  and  A.  Weldler-Steinberg],  in  Monats- 
schrift,  supra,  vol.  Iviii,  p.  385  et  seq;  also  infra,  pp.  64-9. 

n  Brief  e  an  und  von  Gustav  von  Brinkmann,  etc.,  supra,  p.  218; 
compare  pp.  97-9. 

B  Fournier,  supra,  p.  339.  See  also,  Memoiren  des  k.  pr.  Generals 
Ludwig  Freiherrn  von  Wolzogen,  Leipzig,  1851,  p.  275. 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     21 

all  this  social  influence  was  potent  upon  the  deliberations  of 
the  Congress. 

Keturning  to  Kliiber's  protocol  of  the  debates  at  the  Con- 
gress, the  Committee  on  German  Affairs  resumed  its  sessions 
in  the  spring  of  1815,  and  in  the  interim  Prince  Hardenberg's 
letter  to  the  Hamburg  envoy  (pp.  11-12)  had  been  written.  We 
supplement  the  protocol  particularly  by  reference  to  Schmidt's 
work,  cited  above,  and  the  recently  published  municipal  records 
of  Frankfort H  containing  original  contemporary  reports  from 
the  leaders  of  the  opposition  to  Jewish  emancipation,  Danz  of 
Frankfort,  and  Smidt  of  Bremen,  and  the  Jewish  records  of 
Liibeck  contained  in  Dr.  Carlebach's  history.  Early  in  April, 
1815,  Humboldt  and  Prince  Hardenberg  submitted  a  new  draft 
of  a  constitution,  prepared  by  the  former,54  which,  in  Article  IX, 
expressly  provided  for  unrestricted  religious  liberty.  In  view 
of  opposition  Prussia,  on  April  22,  1815,  offered  a  new  and 
much  less  satisfactory  draft,  analyzed  in  Schmidt's  work  on 
the  basis  of  the  MS.  original  in  the  Berlin  archives,  but  over- 
looked by  Kliiber.  It  provided : 

The  three  Christian  denominations  shall  enjoy  equal  rights  in 
all  German  states,  and  adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith,  in  as  far  as 
they  assume  the  duties  of  citizenship,  shall  have  accorded  to  them 
corresponding  rights,  which,  independently  of  their  religious 
relations  and  political  influence  and  activity  in  public  offices  (on 
which  points  determination  by  separate  state  constitutions  is 
reserved)  shall  be  equal  to  those  of  other  citizens." 
This  was  superseded  May  1,  by  a  new  draft,  which  provided 
in  §9 : " 

The  three  Christian  denominations  shall  enjoy  equal  rights  in 
all  German  states,  and  adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith,  in  as  far  as 

"Schwemer,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  136  et  seq.,  vol.  ii;  Johann  Smidt: 
Ein  Gedenkbuch,  Bremen,  1873;  B.  Schulze-Smidt,  Bur germeister 
Johann  Smidt,  Bremen,  1914. 

"Kltiber,  supra,  vol.  i,  part  4,  pp.  104-111;  Schmidt,  supra,  pp. 
445-8. 

M  Schmidt,  ibid.,  p.  449. 

"  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  ii,  p.  305. 


22  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

they  assume  the  duties  of  citizenship,  shall  have  accorded  to  them 
corresponding  civil  rights. 

Austria  proposed  a  new  draft  the  same  month,  Article  XVII 
of  which,  after  first  establishing  equal  rights  for  Christian 
denominations,  provided : 8T 

Persons  of  the  Jewish  faith  shall  remain  in  the  enjoyment  of 
their  already  acquired  rights,  and  are  declared  capable  of  securing 
civil  rights  in  as  far  as  they  assume  the  performance  of  the 
duties  of  citizenship. 

Humboldt  criticized  this  clause  as  follows : M 

To  declare  the  Jews  capable  of  acquiring  rights  is  no  apt  term 
in  a  constitution.  If  they  are  declared  capable,  it  is  necessary 
also  to  grant  the  rights,  and  then  it  will  again  be  too  much  to 
speak  in  general  terms  of  civil  rights.  The  Prussian  version 
permits  greater  latitude,  and  yet  it  is  more  definite  and  more 
useful  for  the  Jews.  The  guarantee  of  already  acquired  rights  will 
give  rise  to  much  objection  and  even  dispute  in  states  where  gov- 
ernments have  adopted  the  French  principles. 

On  May  23,  1815,  Prince  Metternich  submitted  a  new  draft 
on  behalf  of  Austria  and  Prussia  in  the  light  of  these  criticisms, 
and  it  provided  in  Article  XIV :  M 

Adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith  shall  receive,  in  as  far  as  they 
assume  performance  of  all  the  duties  of  citizens,  corresponding 
rights  of  citizenship,  and  to  the  extent  that  this  reform  shall  con- 
travene state  constitutions,  the  members  of  the  Confederation 
declare  that  they  will  endeavor  as  far  as  possible  to  remove  these 
obstacles. 

Previously,  on  May  5,  1815,  Smidt  reported  his  employment 
in  private  conversation  of  the  following  extraordinary  line  of 
reasoning  regarding  the  claims  of  the  Jews  of  Frankfort : "" 

The  Jews  of  Frankfort  were,  it  is  true,  in  a  much  better  situation 
than  those  in  the  other  cities,  for  it  is  well  known  that  by  the 


"Ibid.,  p.  313;  Schmidt,  supra,  pp.  453-4. 

"  Schmidt,  ibid.,  pp.  462,  463. 

"Ibid.,  pp.  320,  341. 

••  Schwemer,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  136  et  seg. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     23 

expenditure  of  large  sums  of  money  they  had  purchased  full  civil 
rights  in  Frankfort  from  the  Grand  Duke,  who  was  no  mere 
usurper  but  a  universally  recognized  sovereign.  But  one  must 
recognize  that  civil  rights  in  a  republic  are  entirely  different  from 
civil  rights  in  a  monarchical  state.  The  former  the  Grand  Duke 
had  neither  been  capable,  nor  desirous,  of  selling,  and  the  Jews 
had  not  secured  them  through  the  purchase,  but  merely  had  ob- 
tained municipal  rights. 

An  account  of  the  proceedings  at  the  conference  of  the  "  United 
Princes  and  Cities  "  is  "  as  follows.: 

Smidt  had  also  succeeded  in  inducing  the  "  United  Princes  and 
Cities,"  that  is,  all  who  were  represented  in  the  negotiations  by  a 
deputation  merely,  jointly  to  urge  that  the  Jewish  matter  should 

be  referred  to  the  future  Bundestag In  his  report  of  the 

reading  of  the  Austrian-Prussian  provision  on  May  23  [above 
quoted],  he  noted  how  he  had  prepared  the  attitude  of  the 
hearers :  "  When  the  point  regarding  the  reference  of  the  Jewish 
matter  came  up,  Count  Rechberg  first  of  all  began  to  laugh,  and 
the  laughter  became  contagious  and  was  followed  by  all  in  turn 
with  a  couple  of  exceptions.  Among  those  not  laughing  the 
Prussian  Humboldt  surely  was  to  be  found.  The  latter  was  very 
much  annoyed  over  the  obstacle  which  the  Prussian  plan  encoun- 
tered, and  he  did  not  conceal  his  antagonism  from  Smidt  either; 
he  said  he  would  surely  not  permit  the  reference  [to  the  Bundes- 
tag], and  advised  Smidt  to  say  nothing  regarding  it.  The  provi- 
sion was  unfavorable  enough  for  the  Jews,  and  his  wing  had  con- 
tented itself  with  it  most  unwillingly.  No  one  compelled  the  cities 
to  accept  new  Jews  as  citizens,  but  those  who  already  were  located 
there  must  be  treated  properly.  Smidt  would  only  compromise 
himself  if  he  took  the  matter  up,  and  he,  Humboldt,  would  in  that 
event,  proceed  vigorously  against  the  designs  of  the  cities.  Smidt 
prudently  avoided  Prussian  anger  by  keeping  in  the  background 
during  the  debate;  he  reserved  matters  for  the  chief  battle." 

•*  Schwemer,  supra,  p.  138.  That  the  free  cities  were  not  able 
to  preserve  their  independence  without  a  struggle,  at  Vienna,  fur- 
ther appears  from  a  letter  of  Humboldt  to  his  wife,  dated  December 
8,  1814,  regarding  Frankfort  and  indicating  that  Bavaria  had 
designs,  favored  by  Metternich,  upon  her  territory.  See  von 
Sydow,  supra,  vol.  iv,  p.  435. 


24  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

On  May  26, 1815,°  in  discussing  Article  XIV  of  the  Austro- 
Prussian  draft,  Bavaria  urged  that  the  article  did  not  belong 
in  the  Constitution,  and  that  matters  that  did  not  relate  to 
internal  regulations  were  to  be  referred  to  the  Diet.  Hessen- 
Darmstadt  did  not  believe  that  the  Jewish  clause  belonged  in 
the  German  Constitution,  but  merely  in  the  organic  act.  The 
representatives  of  the  princes  declared  that  the  rights  of  the 
Jews  should  not  be  determined  in  the  first  Constitution,  and 
might  be  considered  in  connection  with  Articles  XVI  or  XVII, 
and  that  the  subject  be  referred  to  the  Diet  merely."*  Holstein 
declared  that  the  status  of  the  Jews  should  not  be  treated  in  the 
Constitution,  and  in  no  event  would  its  delegates  regard  them- 
selves as  bound  thereby.  At  the  fifth  conference  on  May  31, 
the  matter  came  up  again.*4  Austria  and  Prussia  insisted  that 
the  principles  to  underlie  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  should 
not  be  left  for  determination  to  the  Diet  to  meet  at  Frankfort, 
as  indicated  by  some  prior  votes,  but  should  be  settled  at  once, 
because  they  were  an  important  subject  of  general  interest, 
the  purposes  of  which  could  be  accomplished  only  through  uni- 
formly adopted  legislation.  But  as  the  terms  "  reform  "  and 
"  rights  of  citizenship  "  seemed  to  arouse  some  objection,  they 
suggested  substituting  for  "  reform "  the  word  "  improve- 
ment," and  instead  of  "  rights  of  citizenship,"  in  order  to  avoid 
misunderstanding,  "civil  rights."  The  Hanoverian  repre- 
sentatives declared  that  they  supported  the  article  proposed  un- 
conditionally, because  the  limitations  it  contained  left  it  to  the 
desires  of  the  individual  governments  to  determine  to  what 
extent  they  would  modify,  in  accordance  with  the  best  interests 
of  the  state,  their  subsisting  restrictions  upon  the  Jews,  stand- 
ing in  the  way  of  Jewish  admission  to  citizenship. 

™  Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  ii,  p.  365. 

"  See  ibid.,  pp.  378-9;  for  Holstein  gee  p.  365. 

"  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  pp.  440-1. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna,  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     25 

Upon  the  basis  of  this  declaration  not  only  many  of  the  en- 
voys, including  Electoral  Hessen,  Luxemburg,  Gotha,  Schaum- 
burg-Lippe,  Waldeck,  and  Nassau,  voted  expressly  in  favor  of 
the  clause,  but  the  representative  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Hessen 
joined  the  majority ;  and  Holstein,  for  reasons  now  reiterated 
in  writing,  Liibeck,  Bremen  and  Frankfort  voted  for  a  refer- 
ence of  the  subject,  in  view  of  its  importance,  to  the  Frankfort 
Diet.  It  was,  however  the  next  day  resolved  to  make  another 
effort  to  secure  unanimity  for  a  new  version.  The  two  Bern- 
storffs,  on  behalf  of  the  Danish  province  of  Holstein,  in  the 
written  declaration  referred  to,"  emphasized  Denmark's 
friendly  attitude  toward  the  Jews,  but  failed  attention  to  their 
lack  of  instructions  on  the  point,  and  hence  favored  a  reference 
to  the  Diet.  In  the  contingency  of  the  conference  desiring 
immediate  action,  however,  they  suggested  a  general  clause, 
substantially  like  the  following : 

Adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith,  in  as  far  as  they  assume  the 
duties  of  citizenship,  shall  he  assured  a  firm  civil  status,  which  the 
Bundesversammlung  shall  define  more  specifically. 

At  the  session  of  June  1,  1815,*8  in  view  of  the  plan  to 
secure  unanimity  for  a  new  version,  the  following  clause  was 
submitted  and  approved : 

The  Diet  shall  consider  how  the  civil  amelioration  of  the 
adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith  in  Germany  can  be  effected  in  the 
most  uniform  manner  possible,  and  particularly  how  the  enjoy- 
ment of  civil  rights  can  be  assured  to  them  in  exchange  for  their 
acceptance  of  all  the  duties  of  citizenship  in  the  Confederated 
States.  However,  until  then,  adherents  of  that  faith  shall  enjoy 
the  rights  heretofore  accorded  to  them  in  the  several  states. 

The  Danish  representatives  for  Holstein,  the  Bernstorffs, 
submitted  at  this  session  a  more  definite  draft  to  evidence 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  450-1. 
.,  pp.  465-7. 


26  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

their  desire  to  go  in  this  matter  as  far  as  possible  without 
instructions.  This  draft  provided :  " 

Adherents  of  the  Jewish  faith,  in  as  far  as  they  assume  the 
duties  of  citizenship,  are  guaranteed  civil  laws  protecting  them, 
with  respect  to  the  rights  accorded  to  them,  against  perse- 
cution, oppression,  arbitrary  conduct  and  expulsion  on  the  part 
of  the  legislature. 

A  commission  of  two  to  edit  the  text  of  the  Constitution, 
and  report  the  next  day,  was  appointed,  and  unfortunately, 
Senator  Smidt,  the  leading  opponent  of  Jewish  rights,  as  well 
as  President  von  Berg  of  Schaumburg-Lippe,  became  the  mem- 
bers of  this  committee.8*  Danz,  the  representative  of  Frankfort, 
had  meanwhile  protested  in  writing  vigorously  against  this 
clause,  and  attempted  to  reserve  the  right  of  not  being  bound 
thereby,™  and  the  representative  of  Electoral  Hessen  also  ob- 
jected in  general  terms.70  At  the  next  conference,  on  June  2,  it 
was  decided  to  preface  to  this  clause  a  declaration  of  equal 
fights  for  adherents  of  the  Catholic  and  Evangelical  churches." 
Saxony,  in  writing,  objected  to  the  inclusion  of  the  Jewish  pro- 
vision, giving  it  preference  there  over  others,  declared  by  it  to  be 

"Ibid.,  pp.  456,  463. 

"Ibid.,  p.  457.  Family  letters  written  by  Smidt  during  the 
Congress  and  just  published  in  the  work  of  B.  Schulze-Smidt, 
supra,  indicate  that  he  and  his  wife  were  on  not  unfriendly  terms 
with  Jews  at  Vienna.  Thus,  on  September  28,  1814,  he  wrote  (p. 
334) :  "  Mine  [his  wife]  makes  new  acquaintances  daily  among 

Christians,  Jews  and  Turks With  the  Pilats  and  Schlegels  we 

frequently  have  very  agreeable  intercourse."  A  few  days  later 
he  made  similar  remarks  about  Varnhagen  and  his  newly  wedded 
wife,  Rahel,  who  dined  with  the  Smidts  (p.  337),  and  previously, 
April  29,  1814,  he  wrote  this  from  Paris,  which  is  puzzling  for  that 
early  date:  "I  live  here  in  Paris,  for  the  Jews  an  annoyance, 
for  the  Greeks  a  piece  of  stupidity  "  (p.  311). 

"  Ibid.,  pp.  463-4. 

70  Ibid.,  pp.  464-5. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  471. 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     27 

equally  important,  and  urged  that  at  least  the  clause  con- 
tinuing already  acquired  rights  should  be  omitted."  The  new 
draft  was  submitted7*  but  not  discussed  till  the  3d  of  June, 
when  this  clause,  now  §16,  was  provisionally  approved,  despite 
the  opposition  of  Saxony,  Bavaria  and  Hessen-Darmstadt/4 
while  Bremen  contended  that  this  would  not  validate  the 
French  laws  regarding  the  Jews  in  the  32d  French  Military 
Division  which  had  included  that  city.  At  the  session  of 
June  8,  1815,"  Bavaria  once  more  objected  to  the  article 
concerning  the  Jews,  and  the  phrase  "  by  the  several  states  " 
was  substituted  for  "in  the  several  states/'  in  the  passage 
in  Article  XVI  "continuing"  Jewish  rights,  "heretofore 
accorded  to  them  in  the  several  states,"  till  the  Diet  acted, 
on  the  ground  that  such  a  modification  had  been  "  previously 
acceptable," T*  which  fateful  change  of  phraseology  at  the  time 
attracted  no  attention.  Frankfort's  representative,  in  a  memo- 
randum dated  June  5,  1815,  expressing  gratitude  over  the 
recognition  of  the  independence  of  the  city,  qualified  his  earlier 
protests  regarding  the  Jewish  clause  by  stating  that  he  had 
made  them  only  to  avoid  misunderstanding."  The  Constitu- 
tion of  the  German  Confederation  was  signed  June  8,  1815, 
and  Article  XVI,  referred  to,  read  as  follows : " 

The  different  Christian  sects  in  the  countries  and  territories  of 
the  German  Confederation  shall  not  experience  any  difference  in 
the  enjoyment  of  civil  and  political  rights.  The  Diet  shall  con- 
sider of  the  means  of  effecting,  in  the  most  uniform  manner,  an 
amelioration  in  the  civil  state  of  those  who  profess  the  Jewish 

nlbid.,  pp.  471,  477-9.  See  also,  d'Angeberg,  Le  Congr&s  de 
Vienne,  Paris,  1815,  four  vols.,  vol.  iii,  p.  1319. 

w  Kliiber,  ibid.,  pp.  472,  490. 

14  Ibid.,  pp.  501-2. 

™  Ibid.,  p.  535 ;  compare,  p.  502. 

»  Ibid.,  vol.  ii,  p.  535. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  542. 

"Ibid.,  pp.  587,  610-11;  English  rendering  from  Herstlet's  "Map 
of  Europe  by  Treaty,"  rol.  i,  p.  205. 

3 


28  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

religion  in  Germany,  and  shall  pay  particular  attention  to  the 
measures  by  which  the  enjoyment  of  civil  rights  shall  be  secured 
and  guaranteed  to  them  in  the  Confederated  States,  upon  condi- 
tion, however,  of  their  submitting  to  all  the  obligations  imposed 
upon  other  citizens.  In  the  meantime  the  privileges  already 
granted  to  that  sect  by  any  particular  state  shall  be  secured  to 
them. 

Friends  of  Jewish  emancipation  thought  that  they  had  won 
a  good  fight  in  securing  a  declaration  in  favor  of  amelioration 
to  be  carried  out  by  the  Diet,  but,  in  the  meantime,  a  preser- 
vation of  rights  theretofore  accorded.  Gentz  made  an  entry 
in  his  diary  on  June  9,  1815.™ 

I/affaire  des  juifs  hereusement  termine'e;  1'acte  de  la  conf6d6r- 
ation  ayant  6t6  signe"  hier,  sans  que  1'article  qui  les  concerne,  ait 
e"t6  6branle\ 

Prince  Hardenberg  and  Metternich  also,  soon  after,  so  ex- 
pressed themselves  in  writing.  But  the  contemporaneous 
private  letters  to  the  Frankfort  public  authorities  from  their 
representative  indicate  that  Smidt  deliberately  made  the 
apparently  merely  stylistic  change  from  "  in  "  to  "  by,"  radi- 
cally changing  the  sense,  as  was  thereafter  contended.  Smidt 
expressed  himself  privately  as  well  satisfied.80  In  fact,  Kliiber, 
in  his  work  Uebersicht  der  diplomatischen  Verhandlungen  des 
Wiener  Congresses  in  the  chapter  on  Jewish  Eights  tt  said : 

Senator  Smidt,  the  representative  of  the  free  Hanseatic  town 
of  Bremen,  had,  at  a  session  prior  to  June  8,  proposed  the  substi- 
tution of  "  by  "  for  "  in  "  with  particular  reference  to  this  point. 

w  Supra,  p.  385. 

80  Schwemer,  supra,  pp.  140-1. 

81  Pp.  375-96,  384,  note.    This  work  is  obviously  that  of  an  anti- 
Jewish  partisan,  and  Kliiber  seems  to  have  adopted  this  attitude 
already  during  the  sessions  of  the  Congress.   As  the  leading  writer 
on  the  Congress  he  greatly  injured  the  Jewish  cause.    See  also  the 
Jewish  references  in  his  Oeffentliches  Recht  des  deutschen  Bundes 
und  der  Bundesstaaten,  edition  of  1840,  pp.  216b,  232,  465,  467e, 
516,  525,  529. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Eohler.     29 

Bavaria  and  Saxony  had  supported  his  proposition  and  the  rest 
did  not  oppose,  but  this  was  not  inserted  in  the  protocol. 

Kliiber  added  a  note  that  this  omission  had  occurred  "  perhaps 
by  accident,"  evidently  reflecting  on  von  Gentz's  pro-Jewish 
attitude.  Through  a  ridiculous  blunder,  Graetz  intimated  that 
von  Gentz  falsified  the  later  entry  in  opposition  to  Jewish 
rights,  and  that  the  change  was  never  authorized." 

The  Frankfort  archives  show  that  the  representative  of  the 
municipality  also  was  caught  napping,  and  that  he  was 
astounded  to  learn  **  from  Prince  Metternich's  letter  of  June  9, 
1815,  to  Baruch,"  that  another  provision  had  been  inserted  in 
Article  LXXX,  particularly  applicable  to  the  Jews  of  Frank- 
fort, which  Metternich  publicly  invoked  when  the  Congress  ad- 
journed, as  confirming  Prince-Primate  Dalberg^s  grant.  Met- 
ternich wrote : 

In  answer  to  the  petition  of  the  Jewish  deputies  of  the  City  of 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  dated  October  10,  1814,  to  the  High  Con- 
gress, praying  for  a  confirmation  of  the  compact  of  December  28, 
1811  with  the  former  Grand  Duke  of  Frankfort  regarding  the 
Civil  Rights  of  the  Jews,  they  are  informed,  that  in  the  Inde- 
pendence Act  for  the  free  City  of  Frankfort,  the  magistrates  are 
advised  that  all  well-acquired  rights  of  every  class  of  inhabitants 
are  confirmed,  and  every  contravening  regulation  is  to  be  avoided. 
By  this  disposition,  the  Jewish  community  of  Frankfort-on-the- 
Main  will  find  satisfaction,  as  the  legal  compact  which  they  had 
previously  made  is  fully  confirmed. 

PRINCE  METTERNICH. 
Vienna,  June  9,  1815. 
To  MB.  BARUCH  of  Frankfort. 

While  the  pro-Jewish  edicts  of  revolutionary  governments, 
like  Hamburg,  Bremen  and  Liibeck,  were  not  so  sweepingly  and 
unequivocally  permanently  confirmed,  those  of  the  regularly- 

™  Geschichte,  German  edition,  vol.  xi,  p.  626,  note.  The  same 
error  was  carried  over  into  Martin  Philippson,  Neueste  Geschichte 
des  jiidischen  Volkes,  Leipzig,  1907,  vol.  i,  p.  87. 

**  Schwemer,  supra,  pp.  141-2. 

••Kliiber,  supra,  vol.  vi,  pp.  418-9. 


30  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

constituted  governments  of  other  German  states,  particularly 
Frankfort's,  were.  Both  Metternich  and  Hardenberg  wrote 
letters  after  the  Congress  adjourned  regarding  its  action  in 
relation  to  the  Jews  of  the  Hanseatic  towns  M  indicating  that 
they  thought  the  Jews  had  won  their  fight  there,  too. 

Prince  Metternich  wrote  to  Dr.  Buchholz  as  representative 
of  the  Jews  of  the  Hanseatic  cities  under  date  of  June  9,  1815 : 

The  Powers  assembled  here  at  the  Congress,  not  unmindful  of 
the  welfare  of  individuals,  have  resolved  that  persons  of  the 
Jewish  confession  in  the  German  Confederated  States  shall  be 
assured  general  civil  rights.  But  as  the  circumstances  of  the  day 
made  it  impossible  fully  to  carry  out  this  subject  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna,  it  was  meanwhile  decided  that  the  German  Bundestag 
at  Frankfort  shall  deliberate  in  what  way  general  civil  rights  shall 
be  conferred  on  the  Israelitish  communities  of  Germany,  and  that 
until  such  deliberations  are  concluded,  the  liberties  and  rights 
conferred  upon  the  Israelitish  communities  in  the  various  con- 
federated states  shall  be  preserved  intact.  This  is  communicated 
to  the  representative  of  the  Israelitish  communities  in  Germany, 
Dr.  Buchholz  of  Liibeck,  in  answer  to  his  memorial  to  the  Congress 
dated  December  9,  1814,  in  order  to  give  to  those  communities  the 
assurance  that  the  welfare  of  the  Israelitish  communities  will  be 
considered  at  the  Bundestag,  and  that  active  measures  will  be 
taken  for  conferring  upon  them  these  general  rights. 

PRINCE  METTTEBNICH. 

Prince  Hardenberg,  under  date  of  June  10,  1815,  wrote  to 
the  Senate  of  Liibeck : 

The  undersigned,  Chancellor  of  State  of  his  Royal  Highness  the 
King  of  Prussia,  has  learnt  with  much  regret  from  the  reports  of 
his  Majesty's  envoy,  Count  de  Grote,  that  the  representations  he 
had  been  instructed  to  make  on  behalf  of  the  Jewish  inhabitants 
of  the  city  have  thus  far  been  ineffective. 

Consideration  of  the  subject  by  the  Congress  here  had  induced 
the  undersigned  to  preserve  silence  on  it  until  a  determination 
was  had.  Now,  however,  that  a  resolution  on  the  subject  was 
adopted  by  the  Congress,  providing  that  the  civil  rights  of  the 

"Carlebach,  supra,  pp.  73-5;  Kliiber,  Acten,  supra,  Erlangen, 
1835,  vol.  iz,  pp.  334,  335. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-CJiapelle — Kohler.     31 

Jews  be  referred  for  determination  to  the  Diet  of  the  Confederacy, 
the  undersigned  cannot  refrain  from  reiterating  the  disposition  of 
Prussia  on  the  subject,  and  flatters  himself  that  the  noble  Senate, 
as  well  as  the  municipality,  when  made  acquainted  therewith,  will 
give  weight  to  wishes  as  just  as  they  are  humane,  and  will  heed 
intercessions  of  governments  to  whom  the  city  owes  so  greatly 
the  recognition  of  its  independence. 

Prussia  has  afforded  an  example  by  its  legislation  to  the  rest  of 
Germany,  and  proceeded  with  the  fullest  conviction  that  there  was 
only  one  remedy  for  eliminating  most  effectively  and  surely  the 
disadvantages  that  were  feared  from  the  adoption  of  persons  of 
the  Jewish  faith  into  the  body  corporate,  that  is,  to  accord  to 
persons  of  that  confession  the  enjoyment  of  full  civil  rights  in 
exchange  for  their  assumption  of  the  duties  of  citizenship. 

The  Hanseatic  Cities,  which  are  so  intimately  connected  with  the 
Prussian  State,  cannot  refrain  from  imitating  this  example,  with- 
out directly  contravening  the  purpose  of  the  Prussian  Government 
to  bind  its  Jewish  inhabitants  to  their  Fatherland,  and  in  this 
way  to  secure  favorable  results  as  well  for  themselves  as  for  the 
state;  all  the  more  so,  as  the  Hanseatic  cities  have  so  many 
recognized  obligations  toward  Prussia,  and  are  so  closely  related 
to  her  through  their  common  ties,  binding  them  together  in  a 
united  German  Fatherland. 

How  unjust  and  unfounded  the  fears  are  that  the  advance  of  the 
Jewish  families  in  the  commercial  cities  will  be  to  the  detriment 
of  Christian  merchants,  is  demonstrated  by  the  commercial  cities 
of  Prussia,  which  stand  in  no  different  relationship  than  the 
Hanseatic  towns.  The  Jewish  families  since  the  enactment  of 
legislation  in  their  favor  have  not  progressed  relatively  more;  no 
Christian  commercial  house  has  had  its  welfare  sacrificed;  just  as 
many  commercial  houses  exist  as  before,  and  they  transact  their 
business  with  the  same  good  fortune  as  ever,  without  our  having 
the  slightest  complaint  in  the  matter. 

Under  the  terms  of  Article  XVI  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
German  Confederation,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  the  civil  rights 
of  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  the  Hanseatic  cities  are  preserved 
until  action  by  the  Diet  in  the  premises,  in  accordance  with  the 
French  legislation  fixing  these  rights,  and  in  line  with  the  Prussian 
legislative  policy  and  the  principles  of  rational  toleration.  The 
undersigned  requests  the  noble  Senate,  after  communicating  these 
views  and  arguments  to  the  municipality,  kindly  to  act  towards 
that  end,  and  thereby  to  pave  the  way  for  a  sympathetic  reception 


32  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

by  the  city  of  the  resolution  of  the  Diet,  which  may  be  expected  to 
be  introduced,  inasmuch  as  the  opinions  expressed  at  the  Congress 
by  a  decided  majority,  and  the  resolution  of  the  Congress  that  fol- 
lowed, leave  no  doubt  that  it  is  the  earnest  intention  of  all  Ger- 
many to  accord  the  enjoyment  of  civil  rights  to  her  Jewish  inhabi- 
tants, upon  their  assumption  of  the  obligations  of  citizenship, 
and  in  this  way  to  gain  for  the  cause  of  Christianity  not  merely 
relief  in  the  most  just  manner,  from  the  heavy  stigma  which  has 
been  resting  on  her  for  so  many  years  of  cruel  intolerance, 
but  also  in  that  it  will  make  possible  a  transition  for  the  better 
for  a  numerous  class  of  inhabitants  of  Germany  in  the  most 
liberal,  rational  way. 

The  undersigned  gladly  avails  himself  of  the  opportunity  to 
assure  the  noble  Council  of  his  esteem. 

C.  F.  vox  HABDENBERQ. 
Vienna,  June  10,  1815. 

It  will  be  observed  that  these  letters  deal  with  the  article  of 
the  Treaty  of  Vienna  as  if  it  had  not  been  materially  changed 
through  the  substitution  of  the  words  "  by  the  several  States/' 
for  "  in  the  several  States/'  Either  the  verbal  amendment  had 
escaped  the  attention  of  Hardenberg  and  Metternich,'  or,  as  is 
indicated  by  Hardenberg's  express  reference  to  the  French 
legislation,  they  regarded  it  as  immaterial,  inasmuch  as  a 
reasonable  construction  continued  in  force  legislation  even  of 
such  de  facto  revolutionary  governments. 

Dr.  Carlebach  narrates  most  sympathetically  and  in  detail 
the  long,  futile  and  heart-rending  struggle  of  the  Jews  of 
Liibeck  to  preserve  their  rights,  thus  "guaranteed"  by  the 
Powers,  but,  despite  remonstrance  and  protest  after  remon- 
strance and  protest,  the  Jews  were  expelled  from  Liibeck  and 
Bremen,  even  in  the  nineteenth  century  !  The  extraordinary 
circumstance  is  noted  by  him  that  it  was  intimated  to  the  Jews 
of  Liibeck,  in  the  course  of  the  struggle,  that  appeals  for  aid 
to  extra-municipal  powers  might  even  lead  to  prosecutions  for 
treason  !  *  Unfortunately  the  Jewish  communal  records  for 


id.,  p.  84. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aiz-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     33 

this  period  of  Hamburg  and  Bremen  remain  unpublished,  and 
this  is  very  largely  true  of  Frankfort,  too. 

An  interesting  contemporary  account  of  the  inner  struggle 
for  Jewish  rights  at  the  Congress  by  one  of  the  leading 
champions  of  the  Jews  has  now  seen  the  light,  in  the  recently 
published  correspondence  between  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  and 
his  wife."  Writing  to  his  wife  on  June  4,  1815,  shortly  before 
the  Congress  adjourned,  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  said : 

Since  the  beginning  of  the  Congress,  the  Jews  sought  to  acquire 
complete  rights  of  citizenship  in  Germany.  I  have  always  been 
favorably  disposed  toward  this  matter.  I  know,  however,  that 
you  think  differently,  sweetheart,  but  I  have  considered  the  matter 
a  great  deal  at  different  times  and  remain  loyal  to  my  old  views. 
It  is,  moreover,  an  idea  of  my  youth,  for  Alexander  and  I  were 
regarded,  even  when  we  were  children,  as  bulwarks  of  Judaism. 
I  took  up  the  matter  here  all  the  more,  because,  as  Prussia  has 
accorded  almost  complete  rights  to  her  Jews,  it  would  be  better 
for  us  that  such  legislation  should  be  general,  because  otherwise 

all  the  Jews  would  flock  to  us An  old  man  M  from  Prague, 

whose  demeanor  pleased  me  quite  well,  as  he  was  not  among  the 
new  fashioned  Jews,  came  to  see  me  a  few  times,  and  urged  the 
matter  upon  me.  Thereupon  I  drafted  an  article  according  to  my 
convictions;  in  the  present  conferences  this  became  a  chief  topic 
of  debate,  not  by  reason  of  the  fact  that  there  were  not  more 
important  ones,  but  because  the  m<vre  important  ones  were  not 
discussed,  as  it  was  realized  that  it  would  result  in  separating  us 
further,  instead  of  uniting  us.  Metternich,  Wessenberg,  Harden- 
berg  and  I  maintained  the  cause  as  well  as  we  could.  Rechberg 

OT  Edited  by  von  Sydow,  supra,  vol.  iv,  pp.  565-7.  Varnhagen  von 
Ense  reports  that  Humboldt  kept  a  detailed  diary  of  his  activities, 
political  and  social,  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  but  that  it  was  acci- 
dentally destroyed.  See  Briefe  von  Chamisso,  etc.,  supra,  p.  13. 
There  is,  therefore,  little  chance  of  this  journal  being  included  in 
a  later  volume,  to  be  entitled  Tagebucher,  of  the  definitive  edition 
of  Humboldt's  collected  writings,  issued  by  the  Royal  Prussian 
Academy  of  Science,  from  which  Appendix  A,  II,  infra,  p.  71 
et  seg.,  is  taken,  in  translation. 

88  Probably  Simon  Edler  von  Lamel.  See  Gentz,  Tagebiicher, 
vol.  i,  as  cited  supra,  p.  17. 


34  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

[Bavarian  envoy],  Darmstadt,  Saxony  and  the  Hanseatic  cities 
constituted  the  principal  opposition.  The  matter  came  up  at  two 
sessions;  Metternich  nearly  abandoned  it  in  accordance  with  his 
habit,  but  I  persisted,  gave  the  matter  new  direction,  and  yet  made 
it  free  from  detriment  by  merely  referring  it  to  the  future  Bundes- 
versammlung,  but  preserved  the  already  acquired  rights  of  the 
Jews.  Much  has  been  said  about  the  matter,  that  I  alone  composed 
the  article  and  secured  its  adoption. 

Humboldt  went  on  to  mention  the  fact  that  the  old  gentle- 
man in  question,  after  the  Jewish  article  had  heen  adopted, 
called  to  see  him,  thanked  him  unceasingly,  and  offered  him 
three  rings,  emeralds  set  with  brilliants,  as  a  present,  stating 
that  he  could,  if  he  preferred,  have  a  credit  of  4000  ducats 
with  him.  As  above  pointed  out,  the  Frankfort  Jewish  com- 
munity similarly  endeavored  to  show  their  appreciation  of  his 
services  to  their  representative  Baruch,  about  the  same  time ; 
Humboldt,  like  Baruch,  however,  declined  the  present,  and 
stated  that  what  he  had  done,  had  been  done  merely  for  the 
sake  of  the  Jews,  and  that  he  would  accept  no  present  for  it; 
and  he  also  declined  a  proposed  present  of  silver  plate,  to  be 
made  for  him  and  delivered  a  year  afterwards. 

There  are  other  references  to  the  Jews  in  Humboldt's  letters 
to  his  wife  during  the  pendency  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna. 
Under  date  of  December  4, 1814,  he  wrote : 

[Madame]  Levy  Varnhagen  I  spoke  with  recently,  when  I  visited 
[Madame]  Arnstein  on  her  birthday.  She  had  previously  told 
Prince  George  [Crown  Prince  of  Mecklenburg-Strelitz]  that  she  is 
in  disfavor  with  me.  For  that  reason,  as  this  leads  to  nothing 
further,  I  was  very  friendly  toward  her.** 

Previously  he  had  quoted  von  Gentz's  characterization  of 
Eahel  Levin  as  "  the  most  intellectual  woman  on  earth  "  to  his 
wife,  but  added : 

One  must  be  able  even  to  forego  intellect;  I  remained  inexor- 
able; •• 

*  Von  Sydow,  supra,  vol.  iv,  p.  430. 
*°  Ibid.,  p.  80. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     35 

and  a  propos  of  Rahel's  marriage  to  Varnhagen  and  the  pos- 
sibility of  her  becoming  an  ambassadress  or  excellency,  he  said : 
There  is  nothing  that  the  Jew  does  not  achieve.91 

On  January  17, 1815,  he  wrote  to  his  wife : 

Arnsteins  have  again  given  wax-figures.  I  did  not  attend.  I  am 
working  with  all  my  might  to  give  the  Jews  all  civil  rights,  so  that 
it  will  no  longer  be  necessary,  out  of  generosity,  to  go  to  Jewish 
houses.  But  they  do  not  love  me  at  all." 

He  also  wrote  on  January  13,  1815 : 

Recently,  at  dinner  at  the  Chancellor's  [Prince  Hardenberg] 
several  of  his  advisors  maintained  that  the  edict  he  issued  regard- 
ing the  Jews  [emancipation  of  the  Jews,  March  11,  1812]  had 
resulted  in  bad  consequences,  which  were  particularly  detrimental, 
in  the  small  cities.  He,  who  was  always  very  liberal,  argued 
against  this.  I  am  wholly  of  his  opinion  and  approve  of  the 
edict.  It  cannot  possibly  be  prudent  forever  to  maintain  the  old 
discrimination  against  Jews  by  Christians,  and  even  to  increase 
the  prejudice.  However,  I  would  not  care,  as  he  does,  to  argue 
away  occurrences  asserted  by  informed  people,  and  I  positively 
believe  that  the  incidents,  which  I  do  not  deny,  are  to  be  ascribed 
to  other  circumstances,  if  only  because  one  has  perhaps  neglected 
to  do  things  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  done  simultaneously 
with  the  edict." 

Elsewhere  Humboldt  explained  more  fully  what  he  meant 
by  his  remark  that  some  things  had  been  neglected.  This  was, 
the  Germanization  of  the  Jews,  their  assumption  of  the  duties 
of  German  citizenship,  and  the  like,  which  he  had  had  in- 
corporated in  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  in  connection  with  the 
conferment  of  the  rights  of  German  citizenship.  In  a  letter 
to  his  wife,  written  April  9, 1816,  he  made  this  clearer,  saying : 

But  to  return  to  the  Jews;  much  remains  to  be  done  that  has 
been  neglected,  instead  of  repealing  what  I  have  always  approved, 
granting  them  rights  of  citizenship.  Why,  for  example,  does  one 

"  Ibid.,  p.  395. 
w  Ibid.,  p.  458. 
» Ibid.,  p.  454. 


36  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

authorize  their  purchase  of  exemption  from  military  service? 
Why  does  one  not  devise  means  to  promote  other  pursuits  [than 
trading]  among  th em  ?•* 

So  also,  in  a  memorandum  prepared  by  Humboldt  for  the 
Chancellor,  as  to  Prussia's  proposed  course  at  the  Diet,  the 
former  wrote  under  date  of  September  30,  1816,  regarding 
Article  XVI  of  the  Germanic  Constitution : " 

DETERMINING  THE  RIGHTS  OF  THE  JEWS  [ABTICLE  XVI]. 

Prussia,  in  addition  to  general  considerations,  is  specially  inter- 
ested in  securing  action,  so  that  the  Jews  will  not  be  too  greatly 
lured  into  Prussia  by  the  circumstance  that  the  Jews  enjoy  much 
greater  privileges  there  than  in  the  rest  of  Germany.  With  respect 
to  the  subject  proper,  of  improving  the  political  condition  of  the 
Jews,  two  disadvantages  commonly  connected  therewith  should 
be  avoided,  if  possible:  (1)  that  the  Jews  will  not  avail  themselves 
unduly  of  newly-acquired  rights  in  order  to  enlarge  merely  their 
moneyed  business  affairs,  or  even  to  turn  other  pursuits  [like  the 
purchase  of  real  estate,  agriculture,  etc.]  into  moneyed  business; 
(2)  that  they  will  not  continue  too  much  to  remain  a  separate 
community  in  matters  other  than  their  religious  affairs,  and  one 
denomination  seek  to  supersede  the  other,  in  consequence  of  which 
various  detrimental  misunderstandings  would  arise  in  the  per- 
formance of  civil  obligations  and  also  in  the  exercise  of  their 
callings. 

It  is  convenient  here  to  point  out  that  Freiherr  von  Stein 
had  occupied  a  rather  anomalous  position  with  respect  to 
Jewish  disabilities.  While  in  general  liberal,  an  enthusiastic 
advocate  of  a  powerful  German  empire  and  of  a  constitution 
guaranteeing  individual  rights,  he  had  been  the  official  at  the 
head  of  the  reconquered  German  territory  which  included 
Frankfort,  and  angered  Metternich  and  Hardenberg  by  pre- 
maturely and  unconditionally  recognizing  Frankfort's  inde- 
pendence. A  commission  appointed  by  him  in  1814  reported 

H  Ibid.,  Berlin,  1912,  vol.  v,  p.  228. 

"  Gesammelte  Schriften,  Berlin,  1904,  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  p.  53  at  113. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aiz-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     37 

adversely  to  the  validity  of  the  grant  to  the  Jewish  community 
in  Frankfort,  and  on  an  appeal  to  him  on  the  part  of  the  Jews 
of  Frankfort,  dated  September  5, 1814,  for  a  recognition  of  the 
rights  of  the  3000  Jews  involved,98  von  Stein,  under  date  of 
September  7, 1814,*1  advised  the  Jews  that  he  could  not  change 
the  determination,  but  that  they  would  have  to  come  to  an 
arrangement  with  the  municipality.  As  seen,  however,  Har- 
denberg  and  Metternich  pursued  a  course  favorable  to  Jewish 
rights.  On  the  other  hand,  during  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 
von  Stein  was  officially  an  adviser  of  Eussia,  and  under  date 
of  November  4, 1814,  he  addressed  a  vigorous  letter  to  Emperor 
Alexander,  urging  him  to  use  his  influence  to  establish  a  strong 
German  union,  with  a  constitutional  guarantee  of  "  rights  for 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Germany,"  that  Germany  cease  to  be 
"  a  large  gathering  place  for  oppressors  and  oppressed,"  and 
that  the  Emperor  write  a  note  to  this  effect.  Alexander  I  did, 
in  fact,  hand  a  note  of  this  tenor  to  Metternich  and  Hardenberg 
on  November  11,  1814,"  urging  that  a  constitution  be  adopted 
"  denning  the  rights  of  all,  and  protecting  them  through  firm 
and  liberal  provisions."  Stein's  draft  of  a  constitution,  sub- 
mitted for  Eussian  consideration  in  January,  1815,  provided 
for  a  "  formulation  in  the  Constitution  of  the  common  rights 
of  all  Germans."  There  is  no  tangible  evidence  that  von  Stein 
acted  pro  or  contra  at  the  Congress  on  the  question  of  Jewish 
rights,  but  contemporary  Jewish  opinion,  to  the  effect  that  he 

"  Aktenmdssige  Darstellung  der  Biirgerrechte  der  Israeliten  zu 
Frankfurt,  1816,  pp.  33-4,  appendix  Ix. 

91  Ibid.,  appendix  x. 

*Pertz,  supra,  vol.  iv,  pp.  148-9;  see  Stein's  diary,  edited  by 
Lehmann,  in  Historische  Zeitschrift,  vol.  Ix,  p.  400;  and  Wilhelm 
A.  Schmidt,  Geschichte,  supra,  p.  248  et  seg. 

"Ibid.,  pp.  150-1.  Even  previously  Nesselrode  in  the  Czar's 
name  seems  to  have  interceded  with  the  free  Hanseatic  cities  on 
behalf  of  the  Jews:  Haarbleicher,  Zwei  Epochen,  etc.,  supra,  p.  137. 


38  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

was  privately  hostile  to  them,  is  confirmed  by  a  letter  written 
by  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  to  his  wife  on  April  9,  181 6,100  in 
which  he  combated  her  anti-Semitic  views,  and  said  that  her 
statements  that  the  Jews  possessed  one-third  of  the  houses  in 
Berlin  and  the  best  ones  at  that,  would  be  ammunition  for  von 
Stein,  in  connection  with  the  tetter's  project  to  colonize  the 
Jews  on  the  coast  of  North  Africa ! 

More  important,  however,  as  a  landmark  in  the  history  of 
religious  liberty  in  general  is  the  provision  of  the  Treaty  of 
Vienna  concerning  the  Netherlands  (Article  LXXIII),  in- 
corporating and  ratifying  the  "  Eight  Articles  "  secret  treaty 
of  Holland  with  England,  Austria,  Eussia  and  Prussia  of  the 
preceding  year  (1814),  which  was  probably  the  first  inter- 
national treaty  which  provided  for  absolute  religious  liberty. 
Its  significance  is  commonly  overlooked  even  by  writers  on 
international  law,  probably  because  of  unfamiliarity  with  some 
details  in  the  history  of  the  Netherlands  involving  enforcement 
of  this  very  provision.  It  was  a  Belgian  publicist,  Jean  De 
Eidder,  who  called  attention  to  it  a  few  years  ago,  in  an  address 
on  La  Liberte  de  Conscience  en  Droit  International.1"1  The 
clauses  in  question,  establishing  the  union  of  Holland  and 
Belgium,  provided  that  the  Articles  of  the  new  Constitution  of 
the  United  Kingdom  which  assured  to  all  creeds  protection  and 
equality  before  the  law,  and  guaranteed  the  right  of  all  citizens, 
regardless  of  religious  belief,  to  admission  to  public  employ- 
ments and  offices,  should  remain  unalterable. 

"•Ludwig  Geiger,  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol. 
Ixxvi,  pp.  69,  70,  quoting  from  the  work  edited  by  von  Sydow,  Ber- 
lin, 1912,  vol.  v,  p.  228.  On  the  other  hand,  Freund,  supra,  vol.  i, 
p.  125,  cites  Pertz,  supra,  vol.  iii,  p.  125,  for  the  proposition  that 
Stein  approved  Schrotter's  emancipatory  edict,  but  rejects  this 
himself;  Alfred  Stern,  Abhandlungen  und  Aktenstiicke,  p.  228,  is  to 
the  same  effect. 

m  Revue  Droit  International  et  de  Legislation  Compar6e,  1905, 
Series  II,  vol.  ii,  pp.  283-302. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     39 

Article  LXXIII  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  provided : 1M 

S.  M.  le  Roi  des  Pays-Bas  ayant  reconnu  et  sanctionn6,  sous  la 
date  de  21.  juillet  1814,  comrne  bases  de  la  reunion  des  provinces 
belgiques  avec  les  Provinces  Unies  les  huit  articles  renfgrmes  dans 
la  piece  annexe  au  present  trait6,  lesdits  articles  aurant  la  m§me 
force  et  valeur,  comme  s'ils  etoient  inserts  de  mot  a  mot  dans 
transaction  actuelle. 

Article  II  of  the  Treaty  of  Eight  Articles,  signed  at  The 
Hague,  July  21,  1814,  provided : 10S 

II  ne  sera  rien  innovS  aux  articles  de  cette  constitution  que 
assurent  a  tous  les  cultes  une  protection  et  une  faveur  ggales  et 
guarantissant  1'admission  de  tous  les  citoyens  quelle  que  soit  leur 
croyance  religieuse,  aux  emplois  et  offices  publics. 

Jean  De  Eidder  says  of  this  provision : 

Here  we  find  guaranteed  for  the  first  time  in  an  international 
treaty,  and  one  of  the  most  important  ones  at  that,  not  only  the 
equality  of  all  Christian  confessions,  not  only  the  necessity  of 
leaving  to  certain  citizens,  rights  which  they  already  enjoyed 
under  their  old  sovereign,  but  the  equality  of  all  creeds,  and 
admission  of  all  men  to  public  employment  and  office,  whatever 
their  religion.  Jews,  Buddhists,  Mohammedans  or  Christians,  all 
were  given  equal  rights  in  the  eyes  of  the  law;  the  state  gives 
them  equal  protection,  I  may  remark,  in  passing,  that  this  article 
of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  rendered  binding  upon  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  the  Constitution  which  had  been  given  to  us  and  which 
provoked  such  violent  protestations,  particularly  on  the  part  of 
the  Bishop  of  Ghent,  de  Broglie.  These  protestations  could  not 
have  effect;  they  were  contrary  to  the  international  obligations  of 
the  sovereign.  One  sees  what  immense  progress  the  cause  of 
religious  liberty  had  made.  The  principle  had  at  length  been 
fixed  in  all  its  amplitude,  and  all  the  Powers  guaranteed  it.  That 
is  not  to  say,  however,  that  the  recognition  of  religious  liberty 
by  the  law  of  nations  was  definitive.  Even  now,  one  cannot  con- 
sider it  complete.  But  a  great  step  forward  had  been  made. 

102Kluber,  supra,  vol.  vi,  p.  68;  d'Angeberg,  supra,  p.  1418,  see  pp. 
182,  183,  207. 
103Kliiber,  supra,  p.  176. 


40  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

The  circumstances  referred  to  by  M.  De  Eidder  deserve 
fuller  consideration.  On  March  28, 1814,  a  proposed  Constitu- 
tion for  the  two  states  was  drawn  up,  providing,  as  seen,  in 
Articles  CXC-CXCIII  for  absolute  religious  liberty  and 
equality.104  One  of  Holland's  most  distinguished  Jews,  Jonas 
Daniel  Meyer,  was  one  of  the  chief  framers  of  this  Constitu- 
tion.10* The  four  Powers  had  entered  into  the  Treaty  of  1814, 
providing  for  the  Union  of  Holland  and  Belgium  under  the 
Prince  of  Orange  under  the  specified  conditions,  and  the  same 
became  generally  binding  through  the  quoted  clauses  of  the 
Treaty  of  Vienna.  While  Holland  ratified  this  Constitution, 
the  Belgian  Assembly  of  Notables  rejected  the  religious  liberty 
clauses,  among  others,  on  August  18, 1815,  Belgium  being  still 
strictly  Catholic  almost  without  exception.  King  William  I  of 
the  Netherlands,  nevertheless,  proclaimed  this  Constitution  in 
force  on  August  24,  1815,  declaring  that  the  rejection  of  the 
religious  liberty  clauses  was  illegal  because  inconsistent  with 
the  Treaty  in  question.  The  ultra-Catholic  party  was  incensed, 
and  under  the  leadership  of  Maurice  de  Broglie,  Bishop  of 
Ghent,  bitterly  assailed  this  course.  The  Bishop  declared  it 
to  be  treason  against  religion  to  take  the  oath  to  support  this 
new  Constitution,  and  the  Pope  at  first  sustained  his  course. 
The  Bishop  was  prosecuted  in  the  civil  courts  for  contumacy, 
however,  and  fled  to  France,  and  some  years  later  the  new  Pope 
acquiesced  in  the  constitutional  provisions  in  question.10*  It 
is  stated,10T  that  the  emancipation  of  the  Jews  in  Belgium  dates 
from  the  adoption  of  this  provision.  The  "  Correspondence, 
Despatches  and  Other  Papers  of  Viscount  Castlereagh  "  con- 
tains an  official  despatch  from  Lord  Clancarty  to  Castlereagh 

m .« Tlle  Cambridge  Modern  History,"  vol.  x,  pp.  518-25. 

"•Boulger's  "History  of  Belgium,"  London,  1909,  vol.  ii,  p.  14; 
Jost's  Neuere  Geschichte  der  Israeliten,  vol.  ii,  p.  115. 

"•  See  Boulger,  supra;  "  The  Cambridge  Modern  History,"  supra. 

10T  See  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  s.  v.,  "  Belgium,"  "  Nether- 
lands," and  "  Ghent." 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Eohler.     41 

from  The  Hague,  April  12,  1814,  referring  to  some  Dutch 

objections- 

that  the  Jews  should  be  suffered  to  enjoy  offices  in  the  state  and 

seats  in  the  legislature,108 

but  they,  fortunately,  proved  futile. 

Moreover,  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  who  was  of  a  princely  Belgian 
family  and  an  intimate  friend  of  Emperor  Joseph  II  and 
whose  ~bon  mot  about  the  Congress  of  Vienna  has  already  been 
quoted  herein,  had  even  previously  worked  for  Jewish  emanci- 
pation in  Belgium  and  had  published  a  very  clever  essay  on 
the  Jews.109 

The  Netherlands  provision  was  largely  the  work  of  British 
diplomacy,  but  Holland  had  long  before  this,  of  course,  estab- 
lished its  fame  as  an  upholder  of  religious  liberty.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  Talleyrand,  the  distinguished  representa- 
tive of  France,  also  favored  these  religious  liberty  clauses  and 
early  in  his  career,  on  January  28,  1790,  he  had  brought  in  a 
report  in  favor  of  emancipating  the  Portuguese  Jews  in 
France,110  despite  anti-Semitic  opposition,  and  soon  after,  in 
1791,  he  was  among  the  leaders  in  opposing  as  inadequate  the 
use  of  the  term  "  toleration/'  to  express  the  natural  right  of 
liberty  of  conscience.  The  results  of  Jewish  emancipation  in 
the  Netherlands  had  been  so  good  that  Carl  Asser,  in  1827, 
at  the  request  of  his  sister-in-law,  Eahel  Levin  Varnhagen  von 

101  Vol.  ix,  p.  424. 

109  See  his  M emoires  et  Melanges  Historiques  et  Litteraires,  Paris, 
1827,  vol.  ii,  pp.  2849.  As  to  earlier  incidents  in  the  history  of  the 
development  of  religious  liberty  in  Belgium  and  opposition  there 
to  Emperor  Joseph  II's  Toleration  Edict,  see  Rufflni's  "  Religious 
Liberty,"  supra,  pp.  425-28;  E.  Hubert,  Le  Voyage  de  VEmpereur 
Joseph  II  dans  les  Pay-Bas,  Brussels,  1882,  pp.  10-11,  82,  322-3, 
369-70;  Frank,  Das  Toleranzedikt  Josephs  II,  1882. 

""Graetz,  supra,  Leipzig,  1870,  vol.  xi,  pp.  210-11;  William  Milli- 
gan  Sloane,  "The  French  Revolution  and  Religious  Reform," 
1901,  pp.  116,  117,  154,  186,  187,  257-63;  Joseph  LSmann,  L'entree 
des  Israelites  dans  la  societe  frangaise  et  les  etats  Chretiens,  Paris, 
1886,  idem,  La  preponderance  juive,  1889-94. 


42  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Ense,  prepared  an  essay  entitled  Precis  historique  sur  I'etat  des 
Israelites  du  Royaume  de  Pays-Bos,  as  an  example  for  other 
states,"1  and  a  series  of  opinions  to  the  same  effect  were  fur- 
nished by  the  leading  officials  of  Holland  in  1842  to  the 
Swedish  Consul  as  an  argument  in  favor  of  Jewish  emancipa- 
tion in  his  country.1" 

Despite  the  clear  provisions  in  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  in  favor 
of  the  Frankfort  Jews,  that  city  continued  recalcitrant,  and 
anti-Jewish  feeling  became  tense  elsewhere  too.  Varnhagen 
von  Ense,  in  his  work  Nach  dem  Wiener  Kongress™  reports 

m  Jost,  supra,  vol.  ii,  p.  119.  David  Friedlander,  Ueber  die  Ver- 
besserung  der  Israeliten  im  Konigreich  Pohlen,  Berlin,  1819, 
pointed  out  that  Holland  established  a  European  precedent  in  ap- 
pointing Jews  to  high  public  office.  He  quoted  an  item  from  the 
Allgemeine  Zeitung,  December  14,  1815,  regarding  the  bestowal  of 
knighthood  on  Meyer  and  the  appointment  of  Asser  to  an  impor- 
tant post  in  the  Department  of  Justice  by  the  King  of  the  Nether- 
lands, "  the  king  making  no  distinction  on  the  score  of  the 
religious  faith  of  his  subjects  and  considering  only  merit  in  the 
bestowal  of  honors." 

**  Ibid.,  pp.  121-7.  Contrast  this  with  earlier  Swedish  conditions 
depicted  in  E.  Meyer,  Die  Literatur  fur  und  wider  die  Juden  in 
Schweden  im  Jahre  1815,  in  Monatsschrift,  supra,  1907,  vol.  li, 
pp.  531-41. 

m  Denkuriirdigkeit en,  vol.  vii,  pp.  151-3;  Briefwechsel  zwischen 
Varnhagen  und  Rahel,  Leipzig,  1875,  vol.  iv,  p.  180,  giving  the 
former's  contemporary  account  dated  July  3,  1815;  Jost,  Neuere 
Oeschichte  der  Israeliten,  vol.  i,  p.  47;  Ludwig  Geiger,  Ueber  den 
Verfasser  der  Posse  "  Unser  Verkehr,"  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des 
Judentums,  vol.  Ixvii,  February  13,  1903;  M.  L.  Nathanson,  Leben 
des  Hofraths  David  Amsel  Meyer,  Copenhagen,  1816,  p.  xlii;  Unser 
Verkehr,  ins  Ddnische  iibersetzt,  Braunschweig,  October,  1815; 

C.  A.  R d,  Kurze  Bemerkungen  uber  das  Manuscript  "  Unser 

Verkehr"  Leipzig  and  Cologne,  1816,  p.  149;  the  illustrations  in 
the  text  at  the  end  of  Georg  Liebe,  Die  Juden  in  der  deutschen 
Vergangenheit,  Leipzig,  1903.  I  am  indebted  to  Prof.  Alexander 
Marx  and  Albert  M.  Friedenberg  for  these  references.  On  Israel 
Jacobsohn  see,  besides  the  biography  in  "  The  Jewish  Encyclo- 
pedia," Ludwig  Geiger,  Vortrage  und  Versuche,  supra,  pp.  226, 
271-3. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Koliler.    43 

how,  on  July  1,  1815,  Prince  Hardenberg  prohibited,  at  Israel 
Jacobsohn's  instance,  the  performance  of  an  anti-Semitic  play, 
Die  Judenschule,  oder  Unser  Verkehr,  by  Sessa,  previously 
sanctioned  by  a  subordinate,  which  course  provoked  wide  com- 
ment and  disapproval  on  the  part  of  persons  not  unfriendly  to 
the  Jews,  though  his  conduct  had  been  dictated  by  the  unseem- 
liness of  such  attacks 

inasmuch  as  the  Jews  had  made  large  sacrifices  for  their  country 
during  the  recent  war,  and  had  nobly  competed  with  the  other 
inhabitants  in  rushing  to  arms,  a  number  having  become  officers 
or  acquired  Iron  Crosses. 

After  Hardenberg's  departure  for  Paris  from  Berlin,  the  play 
was  nevertheless  produced,  Varnhagen  commenting  on  this  dis- 
regard of  the  sacrifices  evidenced  by  the  death  of  Moritz  Itzig 
and  Hauschildt  at  the  battle  of  Liitzen.  Hardly  had  Harden- 
berg and  Metternich  arrived  in  Paris  than  they  wrote  vigorous 
official  protests  in  November,  1815,  against  Frankfort's  illegal 
course."4  Hardenberg  fully  sustained  the  Jewish  contentions, 
and  reproached  Frankfort  for  having  obtained  opinions  in 
favor  of  its  claims  from  the  legal  faculties  of  German  uni- 
versities, in  violation  of  the  conclusions  of  the  Congress  and 
in  defiance  of  the  provision  of  the  treaty.  This  had  left  the 
subject,  if  there  was  any  doubt  in  the  matter,  to  the  determi- 
nation of  the  Diet.  Metternich  had  officially  informed  the 

n*  Akt enmassige  Darstellung,  supra,  appendices  xxvii,  xxviii, 
pp.  95-104.  The  foregoing  reference  by  Varnhagen  to  Moritz  Itzig 
was  particularly  telling  at  this  time.  We  learn  from  Varnhagen's 
essay,  Ludwig  Achim  von  Arnim  und  Moritz  Itzig,  in  his  Yer- 
mischte  Schriften,  Leipzig,  1875,  vol.  ii,  that  the  anti-Semitic  von 
Arnim,  after  grossly  insulting  Itzig,  refused  to  accept  the  latter's 
challenge  to  a  duel  on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  Jew.  Sometime 
later  Itzig  was  killed  in  battle,  fighting  for  his  country.  This  led 
von  Stagemann,  a  poet  as  well  as  an  aide  of  Prince  Hardenberg,  to 
coin  the  epigram:  "Itzig  and  Arnim  both  remained  behind,  the 
former  dead  on  the  battlefield  of  Liitzen,  the  latter  skulking  behind 
his  own  stove!  " 
4 


44  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

municipal  authorities  that  Frankfort's  independence  had  been 
recognized  only  on  condition  that  all  legally-acquired  rights 
of  every  class  of  inhabitants  be  enforced.  He  now  wrote  in 
the  same  spirit,  and  declared  that 

every  arbitrary  interference  with  the  affairs  of  the  Jewish  com- 
munity would  be  an  attack  on  the  authority  of  the  Bundestag. 

Soon  thereafter,  Friedrich  von  Schlegel,  who  was  the  Austrian 
representative  at  Frankfort,  under  date  of  January  30.  1816, 
wrote  a  vigorous  report,  attacking  the  municipality  for  viola- 
ting both  the  pro-Jewish  and  pro-Catholic  clauses  of  the  Treaty 
of  Vienna ;  it  has  come  down  to  us  and  was  recently  published."1 
But  as  even  Metternich's  and  Hardenberg's  representations 
were  practically  futile  and  were  answered  evasively  by  Frank- 
fort in  December,  1815,  SchlegePs  recommendations  were  of 
course  ineffective.  The  Aktenmdssige  Darstellung,  the  chief 
memorial  ably  setting  forth  the  claims  of  the  Frankfort  Jewish 
community,  dated  January,  1816,  had  been  apparently  pre- 
pared for  it  by  Ludwig  Boerne."'  Boerne  also  prepared  a  sum- 

"•Bleyer,  Friedrich  Schlegel  am  Bundestag  in  Frankfurt,  in 
Vngarische  Rundschau,  vol.  ii,  p.  666,  et  seq.,  vol.  iii,  pp.  331-5. 

"•Graetz,  supra,  vol.  xi,  p.  340,  citing  Gutzkow's  Boerne,  p.  94; 
see  also  Holzmann,  Ludwig  Boerne,  Berlin,  1888,  pp.  87-9;  and 
Varnhagen,  Denkimirdigkeiten,  vol.  vii,  p.  27.  Brief  e  von  Gentz  an 
Pilat,  see  more  fully,  infra,  p.  49,  quotes  a  letter  from  Gentz  dated 
August  29,  1826  (vol.  ii,  p.  206),  in  which  he  says  of  Boerne:  "I 
consider  Boerne's  essay  very  mediocre.  Nor  do  I  find  his  style  to  be 
as  of  old.  He  was  thoughtful  and  witty  as  long  as  he  criticized  bad 
poems  and  poor  plays  and  made  the  persecutors  of  the  Jews 
ridiculous.  His  political  effusions  are  petty  and  tiresome."  Evi- 
dently Boerne's  Jewish  writings  attracted  attention  in  influential 
circles,  and  some  of  Gentz's  numerous  conferences  with  him  un- 
doubtedly related  to  contests  for  Jewish  rights.  Ludwig  Geiger  sug- 
gested that  this  may  have  been  the  case  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des 
Judentums,  1913,  pp.  391-2.  These  conferences  began  long  before 
1821,  the  earliest  date  Geiger  seems  to  have  discovered;  the  first 
appears  to  have  taken  place  September  5, 1818  (TageMcher,  vol.  ii, 
p.  258),  shortly  before  the  important  action  by  the  Bundestag 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.    45 

mary  of  this  contest,  Die  Juden  in  der  Freien  Stadt  Frankfurt 
und  ihre  Gegner,  but  his  father  induced  him  to  destroy  it,  after 
it  was  printed,  because  of  its  vehement  tone.  Boerne  subse- 
quently reprinted  the  bulk  of  it,  and  it  is  summarized  in  Holz- 
mann's  biography ,m  cited  above. 

Jacob  Baruch  sought  Metternich's  aid  once  more  and  de- 
mands, not  merely  on  the  part  of  Austria  and  Prussia  in  1816, 
but  from  the  four  great  Powers,  England,  Eussia,  Austria  and 
Prussia,  followed  between  August  and  November,  1816. 
Schwemer  U8  reported  that  these  four  Powers  addressed  identic 

on  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter  and  the  Conference  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  and  the  entry  of  December  27,  1819  (ibid.,  p.  377), 
specifically  states  that  Gentz  worked  with  Baruch  on  the  Frankfort 
Jewish  matter.  As  will  be  noticed  presently  (pp.  56-7),  von  Pies- 
sen  reported  to  the  Bundestag  on  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter, 
September  10,  1818,  and  on  the  17th  of  that  month  the  Bundestag 
appointed  a  commission  to  adjust  the  controversies  (Jost,  supra, 
vol.  i,  p.  77;  Use,  Geschichte,  infra).  The  visit  of  Baruch  [Boerne] 
of  September  5,  1818,  to  Gentz,  above  referred  to,  was  followed  on 
September  9th  (Tagebiicher,  vol.  ii,  p.  261)  by  the  visits  to  Gentz 
of  C.  and  A.  M.  Rothschild,  Count  Buol,  Baron  Beckheim  and  Count 
Goltz,  some  avowedly  regarding  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter,  and 
by  several  visits  by  Bethmann,  and  by  the  Rothschilds  again  on 
the  12th  and  14th.  By  September  28th  (ibid.,  p.  268)  Gentz 
was  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  attend  the  Conference  there,  and  before 
that  Conference  adopted  the  resolution  of  November  21,  1818, 
hereinafter  referred  to,  Gentz  had  repeated  meetings  there  with  the 
Rothschilds,  Dr.  Buchholz  of  Lubeck  and  Dr.  Lindner  of  Stutt- 
gart, and  on  November  13,  1818  (ibid.,  p.  283),  he  prepared  a 
memoire  for  the  Frankfort  Jewish  community. 

UT  As  to  Boerne's  subsequent  activities  on  behalf  of  Jewish 
emancipation,  see  also  Ludwig  Geiger's  edition  of  Boerne's  works. 
Berlin,  1903,  vol.  ix,  pp.  188,  252,  472,  480. 

118  Supra,  pp.  272-3.  See  a  reference  to  one  of  these  notes  from 
the  four  Powers  in  Johann  Smidt,  Bin  Gedenkbuch,  supra,  p.  153, 
in  which  other  Jewish  references  may  be  found,  pp.  20,  94,  97,  120, 
176. 


46  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

notes  to  Frankfort  reiterating  the  prior  demands  of  Austria  and 
Prussia.  They  based  their  stand  on  the  principle  that,  inas- 
much as  the  future  regulation  of  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  had 
been  reserved  for  the  Bundestag,  Frankfort  had  no  power  to 
change  them  to  the  detriment  of  the  Jews.  In  a  second  identic 
note,  dated  November  6, 1816,  the  four  Powers  again  demanded 
that  Frankfort  repeal  its  ordinances,  unless  the  Bundestag  took 
jurisdiction,  and  as  matters  had  become  most  serious  for  the 
Jews,  in  view  of  increasing  anti-Semitic  riots,  not  only  in 
Frankfort,  but  elsewhere  in  Germany,  the  Jews  concluded  to 
appeal  to  the  Bundestag.  These  are  probably  the  earliest  joint 
international  state  papers  on  behalf  of  the  Jews,  and  are 
doubtless  preserved  in  archives,  though  not  yet  in  print.11* 
The  humane  attitude  of  the  British  Government  is  further 
indicated  by  the  following,  hitherto  unpublished  despatch  from 

m  Compare  the  British  intervention  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  of 
Bohemia  in  1744,  when  threatened  with  expulsion  by  Maria 
Theresa,  which  is  treated  at  length  by  Dr.  J.  Krengel  in  Monats- 
schrift,  1900,  vol.  xliv,  pp.  177  et  seg.,  259  et  seg.;  also  the  treatment 
of  the  Dutch  Government's  intervention  on  the  same  occasion  by 
Prof.  David  Kaufmann,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  Frankfurt,  1910, 
vol.  ii,  pp.  328-373,  Barthold  Dowe  Burmania  und  die  Vertreibung 
der  Juden  aus  Bohmen  und  Mdhren.  Venice  also  then  intervened 
in  their  behalf,  and  Prof.  Kaufmann  notes  that  representations 
were  also  made  by  Saxony,  Mayence,  Brunswick,  Poland,  Turkey 
and  the  Pope,  ibid.,  p.  336.  It  is  interesting  to  note,  as  arguments 
for  such  intermediation,  not  only  the  behests  of  humanity  and 
justice,  but  that  Burmania  mentions  the  important  Dutch  com- 
mercial interests  that  would  be  jeopardized,  and  the  injury  occa- 
sioned through  the  resulting  forced  immigration  into  Holland,  thus 
antedating  the  Hay  Roumanian  Note  by  nearly  two  centuries. 
One  should  note,  too,  Humboldt's  and  Hardenberg's  similar  argu- 
ments at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in  favor  of  interstate  action  on 
behalf  of  the  Jews.  See,  too,  Kohler  and  Wolf,  "  Jewish  Disabili- 
ties in  the  Balkan  States,"  Publications,  supra,  No.  24,  pp.  5-7, 
94-7,  108-14. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     47 

Lord   Castlereagh,  British   Secretary  of   State  for  Foreign 
Affairs,  which  the  British  archives  have  just  yielded  up : 

Foreign  Office,  July  8,  1816, 
To  the  Earl  of  Clancarty. 
My  Lord : 

As  it  is  probable  that  the  situation  of  the  Jews  may  become 
subject  of  consideration  to  the  Allied  Plenipotentiaries  at  Frank- 
fort, I  have  received  the  commands  of  His  Royal  Highness  the 
Prince  Regent  to  instruct  your  Excellency,  in  that  event  to 
encourage  the  general  adoption  of  a  liberal  system  of  toleration 
with  respect  to  the  individuals  of  the  Jewish  persuasion  through- 
out Germany,  in  order  that  they  may  not  be  deprived  of  those 
indulgences  they  have  lately  enjoyed. 

I  am.  etc., 

C  AS  TLEREAG  H  .*** 

It  was  thereafter,  in  October,  1817,  that  the  King  of  Prussia 
forced  Hardenberg's  hand,  as  already  pointed  out,  by  instruct- 

120 Docketed:  "No.  8.  To  encourage  a  liberal  system  towards 
the  Jews  throughout  Germany."  I  am  indebted  to  Albert  M. 
Hyamson,  of  London,  for  his  kindness  in  sending  a  transcript  of 
this  document  to  The  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America. 
Unfortunately,  divided  counsels  seem  to  have  weakened  the  more 
liberal  British  influence,  for  the  "Correspondence,  Despatches 
and  Other  Papers  of  Viscount  Castlereagh,"  vol.  xi,  pp.  414-5,  con- 
tains a  despatch  from  Count  Miinster,  the  Hanoverian,  to  Castle- 
reagh, dated  March  23,  1818,  reading  as  follows:  "I  have  the 
honor  to  return  herewith,  with  many  thanks,  Mr.  Lamb's  [Fred- 
erick Lamb,  later  Viscount  Melbourne]  despatches  relating  to  the 
conduct  of  the  Austrian  Cabinet  concerning  the  ....  claims  of  the 
Jews  in  Frankfort.  As  to  Mr.  Lamb's  Note  respecting  the  Jews, 
I  should  be  wanting  in  sincerity,  if  I  did  not  avow  that  I  regret  its 
having  been  delivered,  for,  in  my  humble  opinion,  the  principle 
on  which  the  Note  is  founded  cannot  be  maintained,  and  I  cannot 
convince  myself  that  the  mere  circumstance  of  the  matter  having 
been  mentioned  in  the  Act  of  the  Congress  of  Vienna  could  warrant 
the  interference  of  Foreign  Powers,  after  the  matter  has  been 
actually  brought  before  the  Germanic  Diet.  This  is,  as  Martens 
informs  me,  in  a  letter  dated  the  8th  March,  the  impression  pro- 
duced at  Frankfort.  Of  course,  a  civil  answer  has  been  given  to 
the  Note." 


48  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

ing  him  on  behalf  of  Prussia  not  to  support  the  Jewish  cause 
as  against  Frankfort  at  the  Diet,"1  and  a  subsequent  protest 
from  England,  in  February,  1818,1*  was  also  futile.  The 
Bundestag  appointed  a  commission  on  the  subject  in  Sep- 
tember, 181 8,123  but  it  was  six  years  before  the  matter  was  con- 
cluded, and  then  only  by  an  unsatisfactory  compromise.  The 
details  of  these  incidents  are  outside  the  scope  of  the  present 
paper.  The  Eothschilds  became  potent  factors  in  enlisting 
Metternich's  aid  on  behalf  of  the  Jews,  and  von  Gentz  con- 
tinued as  their  active  advocate.1*4 

The  unsuccessful  efforts  of  the  Jews  of  Liibeck  to  preserve 
their  rights,  including  those  of  residence,  are  fully  narrated  in 
Dr.  Carlebach's  work.  Previously,  on  August  8,  1816,  the 
Austrian  Beolachter,  a  semi-official  government  newspaper, 
had  vigorously  attacked  Liibeck  for  having  expelled  the  Jews, 
without  waiting  for  the  action  on  the  Jewish  question  by  the 
Diet,  saying: 

How  can  the  future  Bundestag  deal  with  the  amelioration  of 
the  Jews,  when  individual  states  thwart  its  action  by  the  most 

m  Schwemer,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  280. 

123  IUd.,  p.  281. 

ialbid.,  p.  281;  vol.  ii,  pp.  21,  148,  152,  163.  For  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  proceedings  in  the  Bundestag  see  Use,  Geschichte  der 
deutschen  Bundesversammlung,  Marburg,  1861,  vol.  i,  pp.  308-406, 
and  Jost,  supra,  vol.  i,  pp.  23  et  seq.,  68  et  seg. 

114  Schwemer,  supra;  Alt.  Stern,  Geschichte  Europas  seit  den 
Vertragen  von  1815,  Berlin,  1894,  vol.  i,  pp.  318-20;  Bender,  Zustand 
der  Israeliten  zu  Frankfurt;  Festschrift  zur  Jahrhundertfeier 
der  Realschule  der  israelitschen  Gemeinde  (Philanthropin)  zu 
Frankfurt-am-Main  1804-1904;  Gentz,  Tagebucher;  Briefwech- 
sel  zwischen  Varnhagen  von  Ense  und  Oelsner,  nebst  Briefen  von 
Rahel,  Stuttgart,  1865,  three  vols.;  Jost,  supra;  Graetz,  supra;  Lud- 
wig  Geiger,  Friedrich  von  Gentz  und  die  Juden,  in  Allgemeine 
Zeitung  des  Judentums,  1910,  pp.  414-18;  ibid.,  1913,  pp.  391-2;  and 
his  Goethe,  Bettina  und  die  Frankfurter  Juden,  in  ibid.,  1903,  vol. 
Ixvii,  pp.  474-7;  as  well  as  his  Goethe  und  die  Juden,  in  Vortrdge 
und  Versuche,  supra,  pp.  215-80. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     49 

arbitrary  and  cruel  determinations?  This  incident  involves  a 
lack  of  regard,  not  merely  for  the  Diet,  which  is  soon  to  meet,  but 
also  reflects  upon  the  chief  courts  of  Germany,  whose  principles 
on  the  question  have  been  enunciated  often  and  loudly  enough, 
and  while  passionate  excesses  can  explain,  they  cannot  justify, 
such  a  course."' 

Gabriel  Eiesser  in  the  course  of  his  valuable  and  effective 
efforts  for  Jewish  emancipation  in  Germany  made  good  use  of 
arguments  based  on  this  provision  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  for 
instance,  in  his  work,  Ueber  die  Stellung  der  Bekenner  des 
mosaischen  Glaubens  in  Deutschland**  which  also  contains 
his  construction  of  Article  XVI. 

**  Graetz,  supra,  vol.  xi,  pp.  346-7.  Sulamith  vol.  iv,  pt.  1,  pp. 
323-4.  The  collection  Briefe  von  Oentz  an  Pilat,  the  editor  of  the 
Beobachter  and  long  private  secretary  of  Metternich,  edited  by 
Karl  Mendelssohn-Bartholdy,  Leipzig,  1868,  vol.  ii,  p.  432,  contains 
a  letter,  undated,  from  Gentz  to  Pilat,  regarding  this  incident. 
Gentz  wrote:  "  Do  you  recall  the  impudent  opposition  of  the 
Lubeckers  and  Frankforters  in  the  Jewish  matter,  the  offensive 
answers  they  rendered  to  the  courteous  notes  of  Austria  and 
Prussia?  Do  you  believe  that  people  who  treated  the  Beobacnter, 
the  semi-official  journal  of  our  Cabinet,  as  they  did,  threatening  it 
with  dire  consequences,  etc.,  have  neglected  to  take  sides  this  good 
while?  That,  relying  on  the  opinion  of  the  mob  in  North  Ger- 
many, upon  their  countless  protectors  and  associates,  on  the  con- 
stitution and  its  collapse,  upon  a  mass  of  positive  and  negative 
measures  that  I  don't  care  to  enumerate,  they  are  not  fully  re- 
solved not  to  pay  heed  to  representations,  but  on  the  contrary, 
will  fight  for  their  self-imagined  rights  to  the  last  ditch  (even  if 
all  public  order  collapses  as  a  result)  ?  Be  assured  that  the  Gov- 
ernment, in  whatever  course  it  may  attempt,  is  certain  to  com- 
promise itself  in  the  deepest  way  without  helping  you  or  the  cause 
any!"  And  among  those  arousing  public  opinion  in  England 
against  the  brutal  persecution  of  Lubeck  was  the  Christian  mis- 
sionary periodical,  The  Jewish  Expositor,  1819,  pp.  72-4. 

™  Second  edition,  Altona,  1831,  pp.  34-9.  In  the  British  Parlia- 
ment in  1833  Robert  Grant  made  use  of  this  provision  and  Prince 
Hardenberg's  utterance;  see  "  Debates  in  the  House  of  Commons," 
on  Jewish  disabilities,  London,  1834. 


50  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

II. 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  AIX-LA-CHAPELLE, 

The  Great  Powers  were  represented  at  the  Conference  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  which  met  in  the  autumn  of  1818,  for  the  par- 
ticular purpose  of  determining  whether  the  allied  troops  should 
now  be  withdrawn  from  France,  and  to  decide  regarding  the 
payment  of  France's  indemnity  to  the  allies.  Interesting  de- 
tails regarding  this  conference  are  to  be  found  in  W.  Alison 
Phillips'  "  The  Confederation  of  Europe,"  including  a  slight, 
purely  incidental,  reference  to  the  discussion  of  the  subject  of 
Jewish  emancipation.  The  conference  took  place  at  a  time 
of  violent  reaction  from  liberal  French  Revolutionary  ideas, 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  unsuccessful  efforts  to  induce  Frank- 
fort and  the  Hanseatic  towns  to  carry  out  the  terms  of 
the  Treaty  of  Vienna.  Various  Jewish  communities  and 
their  friends  turned  to  this  Conference  for  relief.  This 
occasion  was  also  chosen  by  Lewis  Way,  an  English  clergy- 
man who  was  deeply  interested  in  the  work  of  societies 
seeking  to  convert  the  Jews  to  Christianity,  and  the  real 
founder  of  the  reorganized  London  Society  for  Promoting 
Christianity  Among  the  Jews,  to  advance  their  emanci- 
pation in  Europe.  He  prepared  in  their  behalf  a  peti- 
tion, delivered  October  5,  1818,  addressed  to  Emperor  Alex- 
ander I  of  Russia  and  the  allied  rulers,  together  with  an  accom- 
panying memorial,  which  interested  the  Czar  so  greatly,  dur- 
ing this  mystical-religious  period  of  his  life,  that  he  referred  the 
memorial  to  the  assembled  conference  of  ministers,  through 
Nesselrode,  his  chancellor.  Action  was  had  thereon,  which  is 
set  forth  in  the  protocol  of  November  21,  1818,  signed  by  all 
the  plenipotentiaries,  Metternich,  Hardenberg,  Richelieu, 
Bernstorff,  Castlereagh,  ISTesselrode,  Wellington  and  Capodis- 
trias,  as  follows : 

Without  entering  into  the  merits  of  the  views  entertained  by 
the  author  of  the  project,  the  Conference  recognizes  the  justice  of 
his  general  tendency,  and  takes  cognizance  of  the  fact  that  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  Austria  and  Prussia  [Metternich  and  Harden- 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     51 

berg]  have  declared  themselves  ready  to  furnish  all  possible 
information  concerning  the  Jewish  situation  in  those  monarchies, 
in  order  to  clarify  a  problem  which  must  claim  the  attention 
equally  of  the  statesman  and  the  humanitarian. 

Way  caused  his  petition,  the  memorial,  and  the  report 
thereon,  to  be  printed  in  French  in  Paris,  1819,  as  a  pamphlet 
of  78  pages,  entitled,  Memoires  sur  I'etat  des  Israelites,  dedies 
et  presentes  a  leur  majestes  imperiales  et  royales,  reunies  au 
Congres  d'Aix-la-Chapelle™  It  follows  very  largely  the  reason- 
ing of  Dohm's  famous  work  on  Jewish  emancipation  and, 
in  fact,  embodies  a  new  plea  in  outline  by  Dohm,  dated  No- 
vember 1,  1818,  prepared  at  Way's  instance  at  this  time.  Way 
sought  a  fuller  treatise  from  Dohm,  but  did  not  afford  the 
latter  adequate  time  for  this  purpose,  in  view  of  the  former's 
plan  to  submit  it  at  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  Conference.118  The 
provision  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna  on  Jewish  emancipation 
was  quoted  by  Way,  and  he  emphasized  the  failure  to  enforce 
the  provision  according  to  its  spirit,  particularly  in  Germany, 
Poland,  Austria  and  Italy,  and  urged  the  Czar  to  set  the 
example 
which  will  produce  its  effect  upon  the  whole  world.129 

m  Paris,  1819.  A  copy  of  the  booklet,  now  rare,  is  to  be  found  in 
the  New  York  Public  Library  and  another  in  the  Library  of  The 
Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of  America. 

**  Shortly  before  this  Dohm  published  a  little-known  work  en- 
titled Ein  Wort  zur  Beherzigung  an  meine  israelitische  und  chrtet- 
lich  Glaubensbriider,  Breslau,  1816,  described  in  Fiirst,  Bib- 
liotheca  Judaica,  but  I  have  not  been  able  to  locate  a  copy.  An 
interesting  account  of  Dohm's  pro-Jewish  services  may  be  found  in 
F.  Reuss,  Christian  Wilhelm  DoTims  "  Ueber  die  biirgerliche  Ver- 
besserung  der  Juden." 

139  A  detailed  summary  of  the  booklet  was  printed  in  Frankel's 
Monatsschrift,  1869,  vol.  xviii,  pp.  234  et  seg.,  334  et  seg.,  477 
et  seg.,  551  et  seg.,  and  a  sketch  of  Way  is  to  be  found  in  "  The 
Jewish  Encyclopedia."  The  Monatsschrift  quotes,  pp.  235-6,  from 
Gronau's  life  of  Dohm,  Lemgo,  1824,  707  pp.,  as  to  his  relations  to 
the  incident,  and  mentions  the  fact  that  Treschow,  secretary  of  the 


52  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

It  is  undeniable  that  this  conference  at  the  instance  of  Eussia 
thus  was  induced  affirmatively  to  urge  international  Jewish 
emancipation.  Certainly  not  until  latterly  have  we  been  regard- 
ing Russia  as  taking  the  lead  in  work  of  this  nature. 

Dr.  Buchholz  again  appealed  on  this  occasion  for  relief  for 
the  Liibeck  Jews."0  Michel  Berr,  the  distinguished  French- 
Jewish  champion  of  emancipation,  also  published  a  stirring 
appeal  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  of  Germany  addressed  to  the 
Congress181  and  invoked  aid  on  the  subject  from  Johann  von 
Miiller.  The  Jews  of  Italy  also  contemplated  petitioning 
for  relief  against  their  own  persecutions.132  The  Rothschilds 
made  personal  appeals,  apparently. 

Way's  memorial  "*  is  so  badly  edited  that  it  has  often  been 
misdescribed,  for  instance,  by  Martens,  who  refers  to  it  as  a 

London  society,  sent  Dohm  a  detailed  account  of  the  Aix-la-Chapelle 
incident,  apparently  unpublished,  and  also,  p.  564,  an  explicit  denial 
by  Way  that  he  was  actuated  in  the  matter  by  any  conversionist 
motives.  See  also  The  Jewish  Expositor,  1819,  p.  280;  and  Dubnow, 
"  History  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and  Poland,"  Philadelphia,  1916, 
vol.  i,  pp.  397-9.  A  detailed  sketch  of  Lewis  Way  is  to  be  found 
in  J.  F.  A.  de  le  Roi,  Die  evangelische  Ghristenheit  und  die  Juden, 
Berlin,  1892,  2d  edition,  1899,  entitled  Geschichte  der  evangelischen 
Juden-Mission,  particularly  vol.  iii,  pp.  19-37;  see  also,  Saat  auf 
Hoffnung,  vol.  xiii,  p.  200  et  seq.;  vol.  xiv,  p.  126  et  seq.,  the  former 
being  an  article  by  Franz  Delitzsch,  based  largely  on  information 
procured  from  Way's  daughter,  Miss  Drusilla  Way,  supplemented 
by  letters  from  her  in  vol.  xiv,  and  in  turn  translated  and  sum- 
marized in  The  Everlasting  Nation,  vol.  i,  pp.  145-151  (1889). 
Sir  John  Baring,  president  of  the  London  Society,  contributed 
one  of  several  necrologies  of  him,  published  in  the  Jewish  Intelli- 
gencer, vol.  vi,  pp.  75-7,  152-3  (1840).  See  also  Ralph  Harden, 
"Jane  Parmenter's  Will,"  Dublin,  1882;  and  Appendix  B, 
infra,  p.  84  et  seq. 

wCarlebach,  supra,  p.  96. 

131  Graetz,  supra,  p.  355,  citing  Journal  de  France,  October  20, 
1818,  and  Sulamith,  vol.  v,  pt.  2,  p.  275. 

m  Graetz,  supra. 

^Though  the  full  protocol  of  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  Conference 
has  not  yet  been  published,  Way's  memorial  is  referred  to  in  such 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Eohler.     53 

memorial  by  Dohm,  un  ministre  du  Saint  Evangile  (sic). 
Dohm's  part  should  be  carefully  segregated  from  Way's,  and 
the  parts  presented  at  the  Conference  to  the  Czar  from  the 
entire  work,  as  printed  the  next  year.  The  misleading  title- 
page,  referring  to  its  submission  to  all  the  rulers  at  the  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  Congress,  adds  to  the  confusion.  The  work  consists 
of  "  Principles  "  **  to  serve  as  a  basis  of  a  memoir,  which  Way 
seems  to  have  presented  to  Czar  Alexander  I  at  Aix-la-Chapelle 
on  October  5,  1818;  "Kemarks"  on  the  subject  (including  a 
separate  memorandum  by  Dohm),18*  dated  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
November  12,  1818,  also  submitted  at  the  Conference,  and  the 
more  detailed  Memoir e  sur  L'Etat  des  Juifs,  Addresse  a  S.  M. 
I'Empereur  de  Toutes  les  Russies,13*  signed  by  Lewis  Way,  dated 
Brussels,  September  29,  1818,  and  described  as  presented  to 
the  Czar  at  Aix,  October  5,  1818.  This,  in  turn,  was  followed 
by  Way's  full  Plan  d'une  Memoire,  dated  Aix,  September  30, 
(October  12)  1818,m  and  the  extract  from  the  protocol  of  the 
Conference,  November  21,  1818,  on  the  subject.1*8  The  general 
approval  by  the  Conference  of  the  sentiments  expressed,  makes 
it  desirable  to  reprint  here,  in  translated  form,  Way's  "  Prin- 
ciples," and  Dohm's  "  Kemark&." 

PEINCIPLES  To  serve  as  a  basis  for  a  memorial  on  the  actual  state 
of  the  Israelites,  and  on  the  benefits  that  the  Christians  ought  to 
grant  to  them. 

PRESENTED  To  His  Majesty,  the  Emperor  of  all  the  Russias  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  October  5,  1818. 

general  historical  works  as  Alfred  Stern,  Geschichte  Europas  seit 
den  Vertragen  von  1815,  pp.  475,  476;  "  Memoirs  of  Prince  Metter- 
nich,"  edited  by  his  son,  New  York,  1881,  vol.  iii,  p.  209,  infra, 
p.  61;  P.  F.  de  Martens'  important  work,  Recueil  des  traites  et 
conventions  concltis  par  la  Riissie,  vol.  vii,  p.  298. 

w  Pp.  5-9. 

135  Pp.  10-13;  quoted  infra,  p.  56. 

138  Pp.  16-26. 

mPp.  27-78. 

138  P.  79;  quoted  supra,  pp.  50,  51. 


54  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

1.  All   civil   and   social   rights  ought  to   be  accorded   to  the 
Israelites  without  any  difference  from  those  enjoyed  by  the  Chris- 
tians. 

2.  The  governments  ought  to  induce  their  priests,  and  especially 
the  bishops,  to  preach  to  their  fullest  ability  both  by  their  example 
and  their  speech  the  widest  charity  toward  the  children  of  Israel. 

3.  The  governments  ought  to  encourage  the  establishment  of 
arts  and  trades  among  the  Israelites  and,  above  all,  to  direct  them 
toward  agriculture;   to  reward  those  who  make  progress  and  to 
take  into  their  employ  those  who  are  capable  of  usefully  filling 
positions. 

4.  The  governments  ought  to  make  regulations  to  enable  the 
Jewish  youth  to  participate  in  general  education,  to  the  same 
extent  as  the  Christians,  in  the  same  colleges,  gymnasiums,  uni- 
versities, etc. 

5.  To  accomplish  a  project  so  conducive  to  the  well-being  of  the 
Israelites,  it  is  necessary  to  establish  a  central  committee  com- 
posed of  enlightened  Christian  and  Jewish  members  at  Frank- 
fort, Berlin  and  Warsaw,  or  in  some  other  place. 

The  objects  with  which  this  committee  would  occupy  itself  would 
be: 

1.  To  establish  general  correspondence  regarding  the  Israelites 
in  all  parts  of  the  world. 

2.  To  encourage  the  publication  of  such  works  as  will  aim  to 
put  an  end  to  prejudice,  to  uproot  hatred,  and  to  maintain  a 
mutual  spirit  of  good-will  and  harmony. 

3.  To  examine  different  writings  opposing  the  admission  of 
Israelites  to  civil  rights,  which  may  appear,  and  to  refute  them. 

4.  Finally,  this  Committee  would  undertake  to  ascertain  the 
best  means  of  reforming  and   perfecting  the  civil,  moral  and 
religious  state  of  the  children  of  Israel,  to  spread  and  promote 
mutual  education  among  them  and  the  taste  for  the  mechanical 
and  liberal  arts. 

PBINCIPLES  regarding  the  duties  of  the  Israelites,  if  the  sover- 
eigns in  their  wisdom  will  consent  to  grant  the  fundamental  ideas 
proposed : 

1.  The  Israelites,  in  accepting  civil  rights  in  the  various  gov- 
ernments of  Europe,  ought  to  comply  with  the  obligations  which 
these  changes  impose  on  them. 

2.  They  ought  to  contribute,  as  far  as  they  are  able,  to  the  im- 
provement of  their  habits  and  to  give  up  customs  (non-obligatory 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Eohler.    55 

or  non-essential)  which  tend  to  isolate  them  in  their  secular  rela- 
tions from  Christians. 

3.  They  ought  to  renounce  those  of  their  laws  which  are  opposed 
to  the  laws  of  the  country  they  inhabit,  so  that  these  will  not  be 
a  hindrance   to  their   emancipation    and   finally  they  ought   to 
assume  all  obligations  common  to  other  citizens. 

4.  The  wealthy  Israelites  ought  to  make  some  pecuniary  sacri- 
fice in  order  to  improve  and  perfect  the  education  of  their  indigent 
coreligionists. 

Primary  schools  should  be  established,  where  needed,  in  which 
the  Jewish  children  could  imbibe  moral  precepts  and  the  elements 
of  useful  knowledge,  so  that  each  one  could  thereafter  perfect  him- 
self in  public  schools,  colleges,  gymnasiums,  etc.,  [according  to 
article  4,  supra,  p.  54]. 

REMARKS. 

1.  The  sacrifices  made  by  the  wealthy  Jews  and  the  efforts  of  the 
young  Israelites  to  acquire  an  education  would  be  paralyzed,  if 
their  merits  and  talents  would  not  suffice  to  admit  them  to  offices 
and  enable  them  to  follow  arts  and  trades,  or  if  the  enjoyment  of 
civil  rights  is  not  solemnly  guaranteed  by  law. 

2.  As  to  the  particular  regulations  of  each  State,  the  diet  at 
Frankfort,  at  Warsaw,  or  other  competent  authorities  could  under- 
take to  draw  them  up  in  conjunction  with  the  respective  princes 
or  sovereigns,  according  to  the  bases  and  fundamental  principles 
laid  down  by  the  principal  Powers  meeting  together  in  Congress. 

3.  The  rehabilitation  of  the  Israelites  ought  not  to  be  hurtful 
to  society  in  general;   on  the  contrary,  unexpected  advantages 
as  much  for  the  government  as  for  the  people  might  result  from  it. 

4.  If  the  general  and  immediate  execution  of  such  a  regulation 
as  to  the  admission  to  employments,  and  their  complete  fulfilment, 
would  involve  inconveniences,   the  questionable  points  could  be 
postponed  to  a  future  time  for  execution. 

5.  Those   principles    which    pertain    only   to   the   moral    and 
social  state  of  the  Israelites  will  not  aim  at  destroying  their 
nationality  and  will  leave  them  full  power  freely  to  follow  their 
religion. 

The  principles  set  forth  above  were  not  drawn  up  solely  in 
accordance  with  the  convictions  of  the  author  of  the  memorial; 
they  expressed,  in  several  respects,  the  views  of  writers  distin- 
guished for  their  publications  on  this  subject,  among  them  Mgr. 
Grggoire,  the  late  bishop  of  Blois;  M.  Bail,  the  former  inspector, 


56  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

author  of  a  work  entitled  "  The  Jews  of  the  Nineteenth  Century  "; 
M.  Dohm,  at  one  time  secretary  of  foreign  affairs  to  H.  M.  the 
King  of  Prussia. 

The  following,  confirmed  by  forty  years  of  experience,  are  the 
opinions  of  the  last  mentioned  on  the  condition  and  improvement 
of  the  Jews  as  expressed  in  his  own  words  under  date  of  Novem- 
ber 1,  1818: 

The  question  [the  political  reform  of  the  Jews]  appears  to  me  to  be 
entirely  covered  by  the  theory  of  correct  political  principles.  It  has  been 
demonstrated  in  an  incontestable  manner,  as  much  by  my  work  as  by  many 
others  that  have  followed  It : 

1.  That  the  oppression  under  which  the  Jews  have  lived  In  almost  all 
countries   since  the  extinction  of  their  own  state  is  in  contradiction  to 
humanity,   to   the   Christian  religion   and   above  all  to   the   principles  of 
political  wisdom  ; 

2.  That  the  moral  and  political  degradation  of  which  the  Jews  are  accused, 
is  not  the  result  of  faults  peculiar  to  this  nation,  but  of  the  state  of  opposi- 
tion, abjectness  and  misunderstanding  in  which  they  have  been  placed  for 
many  centuries ; 

3.  That  it  is  a  necessary  and  absolute  consequence  from  these  facts  that 
the  Jewish  nation  cannot  be  relieved  of  this  depravity  in  any  other  way 
than  by  the  absolute  cessation  of  the  causes  which  produced  it ; 

4.  That  the  amelioration  of  the  Jews  will  necessarily  follow  such  manner 
of  treatment,  but  this  change  can  only  be  brought  about  slowly ;  the  effect  of 
centuries  cannot  be  destroyed  in  a  few  years. 

DOHM. 

The  difference  in  the  attitude  of  Dohm,  who  favored  gradual 
emancipation,  and  the  French  statesmen,  Prince  Hardenberg 
and  Humboldt,  who  insisted  on  immediate  and  complete 
emancipation,  is  dwelt  upon  elsewhere  (pp.  3,  11,  21,  31,  72-5, 
82,  83 )  in  this  paper. 

As  hereinbefore  intimated,  there  was  a  close  connection  be- 
tween the  Frankfort  Jewish  grievance  then  pending  before  the 
Bundestag,  and  the  action  taken  on  Way's  petition  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  While  Way's  memorial  may  have  been  the  occasion 
for  making  some  sort  of  a  pronunciamento  on  the  Jewish 
question  at  this  Conference,  it  was  not  the  sole  cause  for  such 
action.  This  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  large  number  of  differ- 
ent representations  made  there  on  behalf  of  the  Jews,  and  also 
by  a  letter  from  von  Gentz,  who  became  secretary  of  the  Aix-la- 
Chapelle  Conference,  written  from  Frankfort,  September  11, 
1818,  when  on  his  way  thither.  In  this  he  said :  "" 

Yesterday  action  was  had  [at  the  Diet]  on  the  Frankfort  Jew- 
ish matter.  Plessen  rendered  a  limited  report  which,  on  the 

M  Brief  e  von  Gentz  an  Pilat,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  316;  see  supra, 
p.  45. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     57 

•whole,  was  not  favorable  to  the  Jews,  whereupon  It  was  decided 
to  appoint  a  Commission  of  five  [Austria,  Prussia,  Hanover,  Wiirt- 
temberg  and  Mecklenburg]  to  endeavor  to  adjust  the  controver- 
sies between  the  two  factions.  The  affair  is  as  good  as  lost  for  the 
Jews.  It  has  been  badly  handled.  Various  envoys  were  decidely 
of  the  opinion  that,  first  of  all,  for  the  honor  of  the  Congress 
[of  Vienna]  and  Prince  Metternich,  the  status  of  1813  should  be 
restored,  and  only  thereafter  one  should  concern  oneself  with 
legislation  and  the  future.  This  very  praiseworthy  view,  doubtless, 
might  have  served  as  a  method  of  cutting  the  Gordian  knot,  and, 
perhaps,  it  might  have  been  adopted,  if — if  all  kinds  of  "  ifs  " — 
had  not  prevented.  Certain  it  is  that  those  who  spoke  most 
strongly  against  me  in  this  line  did  not  open  their  mouths  at  the 
session  itself;  that  Berkheim  alone  insisted  upon  it,  with  direct 
reference  to  the  well-known  note  of  Prince  Metternich,  until  at 
length  Wangenheim  made  every  one  tremble  by  a  ferocious  address 
and  cut  off  all  opposition. 

Again  on  August  15,  1819,  Gentz  referred  to  their  having 
been  occupied  very  much  the  preceding  day  at  the  Carlsbad 
Conference,  of  which  he  was  also  the  Secretary,  with  the  Frank- 
fort Jewish  matter,  and  that  it  was  a  very  bad  symptom,140  and 
referred  to  anti-Semitic  riots  once  more  on  August  20,  1819 
during  that  Conference.1*1 

In  1822  Gentz  referred  to  receiving  a  letter  from  the  Jews 
of  Liibeck/1*  and  it  appears  that  their  petition  to  the  Bundestag 

i<0  Ibid.,  p.  405. 

141  Ibid.,  p.  408.    The  protocol  of  the  Carlsbad  Conference  was 
published  in  Martens,  Nouveau  Recueil  General,  tome  iv,  supple- 
mens,  1846,  pp.  8-177,  and  it  appears  therefrom  that  there  was  no 
official  session  the  day  before  Gentz  wrote  his  letter  of  the  15th, 
so  it  would  seem  that  the  subject  was   considered  only  semi- 
officially.   This  is  confirmed  by  Gentz's  diary  which  shows  that  on 
Saturday,  August  14,  1819,  Gentz  had  numerous  conferences  with 
Plessen,  who  was  particularly  active  in  the  Frankfort  Jewish 
matter,  and  with  Bernstorff,  Berstett,  etc.,  ibid.,  p.  346.     Dur- 
ing the  preceding  month  he  had  several  conferences  with  the 
elder  and  the  younger  Lamel,  Herz,  etc.,  ibid.,  pp.  338,  340,  342. 
See  ibid.,  pp.  349,  353,  355,  367,  371,  373,  374,  377,  378,  379,  395,  397, 
398,  399,  400. 

142  Ibid.,  p.  355. 


58  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

was  never  even  acted  upon.14*  At  the  thirty-third  session  of  the 
Vienna  Ministerial  Conference  of  1820  a  resolution  by  Prince 
Metternich,  referring  the  Jewish  question  to  the  Bundestag 
was  adopted.  It  provided  that  the  various  statutes  concerning 
the  civil  improvement  of  the  Jews  in  the  different  states  of  the 
German  Confederation  should  be  collected,  and  made  the  basis 
of  a  new  treatment  of  the  subject  by  a  commission  to  be  ap- 
pointed for  the  purpose  by  the  Bundestag.  Metternich's  alter- 
native suggestion  for  immediate  action  was  opposed  by  some 
present.  The  Commission  was  in  fact  appointed  but  never 
reported.  Jacob  Oppenheimer  and  Bresselau,  of  Hamburg,  had 
appeared  to  urge  action  in  favor  of  the  Jews.14*  Buchholz  ap- 
peared before  the  Diet  also  on  behalf  of  the  Jewish  communities 
in  question.148 

Moreover,  there  was  a  further  pressing  reason  for  action  on 
Jewish  disabilities  at  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  Conference  in  1818. 
A  restrictive  measure,  which  Napoleon  had  enacted  in  1808, — 
to  continue  in  force  for  ten  years  only,  on  his  assumption  that 
such  a  ten  years'  term  was  necessary  to  enable  the  Jews  to  con- 
form to  the  conclusions  of  his  Sanhedrin  to  become  good  citi- 
zens of  the  country  of  their  domicile,  and  to  cease  to  be  an  alien 
nation, — expired  March  17,  1818,  by  its  own  limitation.  In 
France,  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote,  it  was  resolved  to  let 
this  restrictive  act  thus  terminate.14*  In  several  German 
territories  which  were  surrendered  by  France  by  the  Treaty  of 
Vienna  to  German  potentates,  on  the  other  hand,  these  oppres- 
sive laws,  in  whole  or  in  part,  were  expressly  continued  in  force, 
by  new  edicts  in  1818,14T  so  that  such  new  legislative  fiats, 

iullse,  supra,  p.  406. 

"*Ilse,  ibid.;  Jost,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  406;  Haarbleicher,  Aus  der 
Geschichte  der  deutsch-isr.  Gemeinde  in  Hamburg,  2d  edition,  1886, 
pp.  141,  142;  see  p.  122. 

»*  Ibid. 

"•Graetz,  supra,  vol.  xi,  pp.  303,  351-2;  Jost,  supra,  pp.  108-9. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     59 

contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  Treaty  of  Vienna,  aroused  wide 
comment  and  demanded  further  remedial  action. 

Light  is  thrown  on  the  reference  in  the  protocol  of  the  Con- 
ference at  Aix-la-Chapelle  to  the  readiness  of  Austria  and 
Prussia  (Metternich  and  Hardenberg)  "  to  furnish  all  possible 
information  concerning  the  matter  "  by  the  discovery  among 
Metternich's  papers,  published  in  1881,  long  after  his  death,  of 
a  report,  "  On  the  Question  of  the  Jews,"  indicating  that  it  was 
prepared  in  connection  with  the  consideration  of  Way's  me- 
morial, and  that  the  Jews  of  Vienna  simultaneously  presented 
a  similar  petition.148 

148  Probably  the  following  entries  from  von  Gentz's  diary  throw 
light  on  this  Vienna  memorial,  and  related  ones,  Tagebiicher. 
(Vol.  ii,  p.  178.)  November  6,  1817:  Worked  on  an  important 
memorial  on  behalf-  of  the  Jews  of  Austria.  November  9,  ditto  and 
November  10:  finished  same;  November  19:  Visit  from  Moritz 
Bethmann  of  Frankfort  (who  held  some  of  the  bonds  given  by  the 
Frankfort  Jews  to  Archduke  Karl  von  Dalberg,  in  payment  for 
their  grant  of  civil  rights.  Von  Bethmann  was  closely  in  touch 
also  with  von  Gentz  during  this  period,  and  Russian  Consul-General 
at  Frankfort,  Alexander  I  having  sojourned  with  him  in  1813 
during  a  visit  to  that  city.  His  firm  was  one  of  the  most  prominent 
banking-houses  of  the  day,  and  for  years,  too,  von  Wessenberg 
had  been  intimate  with  him.  He  doubtless  purchased  some  of  these 
bonds  out  of  sympathy  with  the  Jewish  cause,  and  aided  in 
organizing  the  PJiilanthropin  Jewish  school  of  Frankfort,  avow- 
edly in  order  to  arouse  interest  in  such  an  undertaking  among  the 
Christians  of  the  city.  See  his  biography  in  Allgemeine  Deutsche 
Biographie,  vol.  ii,  pp.  574-6.  Immediately  after  the  Congress  of 
Vienna,  he  was  active  in  the  efforts  to  induce  Metternich  and 
Hardenberg  to  take  up  strong  ground  in  the  Frankfort  Jewish 
matter,  and,  in  this  connection,  possibly  exerted  his  influence  with 
other  Powers,  in  addition,  Schwemer,  supra,  vol.  i,  p.  399.)  Jan- 
uary 10,  1819,  Gentz  had  conferences  with  Joelson  and  Lamel,  and 
on  the  13th  Schlegel  and  Buchholz  dined  with  him.  On  Decem- 
ber 10,  1819,  Salomon  and  Karl  Rothschild  from  Frankfort  called 
on  him,  and  the  next  evening  Baruch.  December  13,  Senator 
Smidt  of  Bremen  conferred  with  him  and  on  December  27,  he 
5 


60  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

It  is  probable  that  Prince  Hardenberg  had  a  similar  memor- 
ial regarding  the  Jews  in  Prussia  prepared,  but  no  trace  of  it 
has  been  found.149  Alfred  Stern's  Geschichte  Europas  seit  den 
Vertragen  von  1815 15°  describes  the  incident  of  the  Conference 

made  an  entry  of  work  on  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter  with 
Baruch.  March  14, 1821,  he  reported  that  Rothschild  was  with  him, 
much  excited,  but  he  succeeded  in  reassuring  him.  (P.  397.) 
June  2:  Visit  from  Buchholz.  October  21  contained  an  entry 
of  a  conference  with  Baruch  about  the  Frankfort  Israelites. 
(P.  470.)  On  January  5, 1822,  he  dined  at  Eskeles'  house  with  Har- 
denberg and  others,  and  again  on  March  16,  when  Rothschild 
and  Hardenberg  were  present.  (Vol.  iii,  p.  2.)  "May  1,  1822: 
Rothschild  and  Baruch  excite  me  with  an  account  of  the  de- 
plorable Frankfort  Jewish  matter."  On  the  9th  he  prepared 
despatches  on  the  subject,  and  on  the  26th  instructions  for 
Count  Buol.  On  May  31,  Rothschild  and  Baruch  conferred  with 
him  at  breakfast,  regarding  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter. 
April  18,  1824,  he  read  the  latest  Frankfort-Jewish  reports,  and  the 
next  day  Rothschild  conferred  with  him.  On  September  2,  1824, 
he  received  letters  from  Munich  regarding  the  unexpectedly 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  Frankfort  Jewish  matter,  and  five 
days  later  read  a  protocol  of  the  Diet  session  on  the  subject.  On 
November  23,  1825,  he  conferred  with  Baron  Rothschild  regarding 
Roman  Jewish  affairs,  and  again,  December  2.  (Vol.  iv,  pp.  117, 
120.)  Gentz  wrote  a  brief  history  of  the  Rothschild  family,  which 
was  published  in  1826.  See  Schriften  von  Gentz,  edited  by 
Schlesier,  vol.  v,  pp.  113-23,  and  his  Briefwechsel  mit  Mutter,  vol.  i, 
pp.  267-8.  He  wrote  a  long  series  of  letters  for  the  information  of 
the  Rothschilds  during  a  term  of  years,  October,  1828-December, 
1831,  on  current  political  events,  with  Metternich's  approval,  re- 
ceiving political  advices  from  them  also  from  time  to  time.  Aus 
dem  Nachlass  Friedrichs  von  Gentz,  Vienna,  1867,  vol.  i,  pp.  9-10, 
124-241,  and  note. 

149  Wolf,  Geschichte  der  Juden  in  Wien,  pp.  109-11,  states  that 
Metternich   had  prepared  a  memorandum   concerning  the   anti- 
Semitic  "  Hep-Hep  "  agitation  of  1819  for  the  Emperor  Francis  I. 
It  could  not  be  found  in  the  secret  archives  and  probably  was  a 
later  document  than  that  drawn  up  for  the  Conference  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle. 

150  Vol.  i,  pp.  475-6. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Koliler.     61 

at  Aix-la-Chapelle  in*the  following  passage  which  is  supple- 
mented by  bibliographical  notes : 

An  evangelical  clergyman,  Dr.  Way,  through  the  Russian  envoys, 
brought  a  memorial  to  the  attention  of  the  Congress  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  in  which  he  besought  the  Powers  to  grant  to  the  Jews 
full  equality  of  rights  and  to  facilitate  their  practice  of  trades  and 
agriculture,  while  the  Jews  were  to  abandon  unethical  practices 
and  usury  ....  A  laudatory  reference  was  made  in  the  protocol 
....  This  sounded  very  noble,  without  having  further  conse- 
quences. 

Unfortunately,  the  Jews  of  Austria  did  not  experience  in 
practice  as  liberal  a  system  of  Jewish  rights  as  was  outlined  in 
the  Metternich  report,  although  there  was  a  tendency  on 
Metternich's  part  to  reach  such  a  condition,  and  his  approval 
of  the  toleration  edict  of  Joseph  II  is  interesting,  as  it  was 
still  opposed  in  many  sections  of  Austria.  The  report  reads : 

ON  THE  QUESTION  OF  THE  JEWS.* 

307.  The  Edict  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  is  in  full  force  in  all  the 
German  States  of  Austria.  The  Hungarian  Constitution  is  op- 
posed to  one  part  of  its  execution,  but  this  fact  is  independent  of 
the  wishes  of  the  King. 

Schools  for  Jewish  girls  exist  everywhere.  Where  the  com- 
munity is  not  large,  the  children  of  both  sexes  frequent  the  Chris- 
tian schools;  every  Jew  is  at  liberty  to  educate  his  children  in 
Christian  educational  establishments. 

Jews  can,  under  certain  restrictions,  and  in  countries  where  the 
constitutions  do  not  directly  oppose  it,  become  landed  proprietors. 

*  The  occasion  of  this  judgment  seems  to  have  been  the  appear- 
ance of  a  "  M6moire  sur  l'6tat  des  Israelites,  par  un  Ministre  du 
•saint  Evangile,"  which  was  dedicated  and  presented  to  the  mon- 
archs  assembled  at  the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  Besides 
which,  the  representatives  of  the  Jews  in  Vienna  presented  a 
petition  to  their  Majesties,  imploring  an  inquiry  to  be  made  into 
the  state  of  the  law  in  respect  to  the  civic  rights  of  members  of 
the  Israelitish  faith.— ED.m 

151  "Memoirs  of  Prince  Metternich,"  New  York,  1881,  vol.  ill, 
pp.  209-10,  edited  by  his  son,  Prince  Richard  Metternich,  and 
translated  by  Mrs.  Alexander  Napier. 


62  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

They  are  subject  to  the  military  conscription,  like  the  Chris- 
tians. All  grades  of  the  service  are  open  to  them:  there  are  staff- 
officers  at  this  day  who  are  Jews. 

Distinctions  of  every  kind — except  those  which  require  the 
formula  of  a  Christian  oath,  such  as  the  orders  of  knighthood — 
are  given  to  them.  Men  remarkable  for  their  civil  virtues  and 
honourable  estate  have  acquired  titles  of  nobility,  which  place 
them  in  the  same  rank  as  Christian  noblemen. 

They  may  adopt  any  profession  they  like;  if  there  are  very  few 
in  the  Civil  Service,  it  is  because  they  do  not  choose  that  career, 
or,  rather,  that  those  who  do  aspire  to  it  enter  the  bosom  of  the 
Church. 

Nevertheless,  in  many  places  it  has  been  necessary  to  take 
measures  of  precaution  in  carrying  out  the  edict  of  the  Emperor 
Joseph,  even  after  it  has  been  in  force  many  years,  because  of  the 
abuse  by  Jews  of  the  concessions  granted  them.  Devoted  to  busi- 
ness, from  father  to  son,  assisting  each  other  with  large  capitals, 
they  prefer  to  gain  by  either  lawful  or  unlawful  trade  what  would 
cost  both  care  and  trouble  to  attain  by  other  means. 

The  laws  of  the  Emperor  Joseph  have,  however,  been  of  real 
benefit;  the  most  satisfactory  example  that  could  be  cited  in  sup- 
port of  this  truth  is  the  difference  between  the  Jews  of  Galicia 
and  those  of  ancient  Poland. 

One  of  the  great  difficulties  in  devising  any  measure  relating 
to  the  position  of  the  Jews  arises  from  their  number.  Any  hasty 
reform  bears  heavily  on  an  immense  mass  of  men  whom  nothing 
can  persuade  to  renounce  old  customs  or  adopt  new  ones. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     63 


APPENDIX  A. 

WlLHELM  VON  HUMBOLDT  ON  THE  PRINCIPLES  OF  JEWISH 

EMANCIPATORY  LEGISLATION  AND  His  RELATIONS 
TO  THE  JEWS. 

I. 

WlLHELM  vox  HUMBOLDT'S  RELATIONS  TO  THE  JEWS. 

It  is  obvious  that  the  connection  between  the  following  remark- 
able paper,  prepared  by  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  in  1809,  and  the 
action  on  Jewish  rights  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  was  not  remote. 
Humboldt  was,  at  the  period  of  the  Congress,  probably  Prince 
Hardenberg's  closest,  most  valued  and  important  adviser,  to  say 
nothing  of  his  own  high  standing  politically,  and  there  seems  little 
doubt  that  the  emphasis  Humboldt  placed  in  1809  upon  Jewish 
emancipation  uniformly  throughout  Germany,  is  reflected  in 
Prussia's  course  at  the  Congress,  and  in  many  of  the  arguments 
in  the  above-quoted  state-papers  of  Prince  Hardenberg.  In  the 
light  of  Humboldt's  report  these  have  a  familiar  ring  to  them. 
His  scheme  of  emancipation  was  even  much  more  thorough  and 
complete  than  Dohm's,  and  particularly  striking  and  profound  are 
his  arguments  in  favor  of  complete  and  immediate,  as  opposed  to 
a  gradual,  emancipation.  (See,  especially,  infra,  pp.  72-5,  82, 
83.) 

On  the  other  hand,  Humboldt's  plans  for  promoting  the  Ger- 
manization  of  the  then  largely  alien  Jews  of  his  fatherland — and 
thus  abolishing  the  extra-legal  bases  of  anti-Semitic  prejudice — 
are  still  of  importance  to-day.  It  is  obvious  that  such  a  paper 
reveals  a  thorough  acquaintanceship  with  the  Jews  of  his  day,  then 
largely  governed  in  their  civil,  as  well  as  religious,  life  by  their  own 
special  laws,  and  is  another  striking  proof  of  the  axiom  that  knowl- 
edge of  the  facts  is  the  strongest  enemy  of  anti-Semitic  prejudice. 
One  cannot  conclude  that  he  was  as  familiar  with  Judaism  as  with 
Jews,  however.  To  supplement  this  paper,  therefore,  a  concise, 
even  though  necessarily  incomplete,  account  of  Wilhelm  von  Hum- 
boldt's relations  to  the  Jews,  especially  before  1815,  may  be  of 
service.  Strangely  enough,  no  comprehensive  treatment  of  this 
subject  has  apparently  as  yet  appeared,  nor  is  there  any  article 
devoted  to  him  in  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  unlike  Buchholz, 


64  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Dohm,  Lessing,  Mirabeau,  Zola,  etc.,  although  a  Jewish  essayist, 
Dr.  Adolph  Kohut,  selected  Wilhelm's  brother  Alexander  (for  this 
purpose  less  important)  as  the  subject  of  a  booklet,  Alexander  von 
Humboldt  und  das  Judenthum*  This  is  probably  aue  to  the  fact 
that  the  most  important  incidents  along  these  lines  in  Wilhelm  von 
Humboldt's  career  came  to  light  only  within  the  past  few  decades, 
though  there  is  now  ample  proof  at  hand  to  justify  his  own  char- 
acterization, in  his  private  letter  to  his  wife  of  June  4,  1815,  cited 
above,  p.  33,  that  "  Alexander  and  I  were  regarded,  even  when  we 
were  children,  as  bulwarks  of  Judaism."  The  statement  as  to  the 
comparative  Jewish  neglect  of  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  memory 
should  be  qualified,  however,  by  a  reference  to  some  articles  con- 
cerning him  published  during  the  past  few  years  by  Ludwig 
Geiger,2  but  these  are,  in  effect,  merely  excerpts  of  literary  interest 
from  certain  recently  published  volumes  of  the  correspondence 
between  Humboldt  and  his  wife;  and  the  fourth,  the  most  impor- 
tant of  that  series,  seems  to  have  been  overlooked. 

Born  in  1767,  two  years  before  his  more  famous  brother  Alex- 
ander, Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  fame  has  until  recently  been 
regarded  as  probably  resting  more  upon  his  work  as  "  philologist 
and  man  of  letters,"  than  as  statesman,  in  which  latter  capacity  he 
was  prominent  from  about  1802  on,  when  he  became  Prussian 
Ambassador  at  Rome,  until  he  retired  from  political  life  in  1819 
on  account  of  the  reactionary  policy  of  the  Prussian  government, 
to  which  even  his  leader,  Prince  Hardenberg,  then  yielded.  In  the 
meantime  he  was  one  of  Prussia's  representatives  at  the  Con- 
gresses of  Prague,  Vienna,  and  Paris,  was  Ambassador  at  Vienna, 
Paris  and  London,  served  as  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  and 
Councillor  of  State,  and  was  looked  upon  by  many  for  some  time 
as  the  probable  successor  of  Prince  Hardenberg  as  Prussian  Chan- 
cellor. He  was  a  leader  in  the  war  against  Napoleon,  and  a  con- 
sistent exponent  of  German  union  and  of  liberal  government. 
With  his  literary  career,  important  as  it  was,  we  have  here  no 
concern. 

The  private  teachers  of  the  Humboldt  brothers  belonged  to  the 
Lessing-Mendelssohn-Nicolai  circles,  and  at  a  very  early  day  inter- 
ested their  pupils  in  their  liberal  and  intellectual  activities,  and 
brought  them  into  close  touch  with  prominent  Jews  of  the  time. 
Henrietta  Herz,  in  her  reminiscences  *  refers  to  their  teacher 

1  Leipzig,  1871. 

*  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol.  Ixlx,  p.  620;  ibid.,  vol.  Ixxvl, 
pp.  69,  593 ;  ibid.,  vol.  Ixxvll  p.  228. 

*  Landsberg,  supra,  p.  152. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     65 

Kunth  4  as  introducing  the  two  brothers  to  her  husband,  or  more 
accurately,  into  her  own  brilliant  salon,  when  they  were  only  about 
sixteen  or  seventeen,  and  Wilhelm,  as  well  as  Alexander,  soon 
became  a  devoted  admirer  of  the  beautiful  and  intellectual  Henri- 
etta, as  well  as  of  her  scholarly,  much  older  husband,  Markus  Herz, 
who  was  for  some  time  the  most  esteemed  physician  of  Berlin,  and 
whose  scientific  lectures  the  Humboldts,  together  with  young 
Prussian  princes,  attended.  The  talented  young  brothers  joined 
her  "  reading  circle,"  to  which  Dohm,  among  other  brilliant 
intellects  of  the  day,  belonged,  and  which  Moses  Mendelssohn  him- 
self occasionally  attended;  Wilhelm  also  heard  lectures  under  the 
famous  Dohm  in  1785.  Both  of  the  Humboldts  induced  Henrietta 
Herz  to  teach  them  to  write  Judseo-German,  and  a  number  of 
letters  written  to  the  fair  teacher  by  her  devoted  admirer,  Wilhelm 
von  Humboldt,  many  of  them  in  Judaeo-German  characters  and  all 
showing  the  nobility  and  purity  of  their  relations,  were  collected 
and  published  from  Varnhagen's  literary  remains  after  his  death.5 
Henrietta  Herz  also  taught  Humboldt  Italian,  and  there  are 
hundreds  of  references  to  her  in  his  correspondence  with  his  wife, 
one,  mentioning  his  old-time  devotion,  being  given,  infra,  p.  69. 
About  1787,  Henrietta  Herz  organized  the  so-called  Tugendbund, 
an  association  of  fine  young  spirits,  whose  purpose  was  social  and 
intellectual  culture,  the  promotion  of  love  of  one's  fellow  men,  and 
the  development  of  a  deeper  knowledge  of  humanity,  which  young 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  promptly  joined.  To  this  also  belonged 
Dorothea  Mendelssohn,  the  brilliant  daughter  of  the  great  philoso- 
pher, who  became  Dorothea  Veit  and  thereafter  the  wife  of 
Wilhelm  von  Schlegel,  and  her  sister,  Henrietta  Mendelssohn,  as 
well  as  the  intellectual  Caroline  von  Dacheroden,  who  first  became 
acquainted  with  her  future  husband,  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt, 
through  this  organization.8 

4  See  Friedrich  and  Paul  Goldschmidt,  Das  Leben  Staatrath  Kunths,  2d 
edition,  Berlin,  1888. 

•  Aus  dem  Nachlass  Varnhagens  von  Ense.    Brief e  von  Chamisso,  supra, 
vol.  i,  pp.  1-134,  containing  Humboldt's  letters  to  Henrietta  Herz.     Some 
were  reprinted  by  Landsberg,  supra,  pp.  161-208. 

•  Her  correspondence  with  Rahel,  among  others,  was  recently  published 
under  the  title,  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Karoline  von  Humboldt,  Rahel  und 
Varnhagen,  edited  by  A.  Leitzmann    (1896),  and  contains  much  of  Jew- 
ish  interest.     The  first  volume  of  Wilhelm  und  Karoline  von  Humboldt 
in  ihren  Briefen,  edited  by  Anna  von  Sydow,  one  of  their  descendants,  Berlin, 
1906,  contains  a  mass  of  contemporary  letters  dealing  with  this  Tugendbund, 
and  the  editor  says  of  it  (pp.  xvll-xviii)  :   "The  members  unreservedly  laid 
bare  to  one  another  their  innermost  thoughts  and  analyzed  their  finest 
sensibilities,  often  long  before  they  met  face  to  face.     The  familiar  thou 
(du)  united  all  the  members  ;  a  secret  code  of  communication  was  invented  ; 


66  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

It  is  obvious  that  all  the  members  of  this  group  were  intimates, 
and  that  such  close  ties  of  friendship  were  bound  to  last  through 
life. 

Rudolph  Haym,  the  distinguished  publicist,  edited  a  collection  of 
Humboldt  letters T  chiefly  dealing  with  educational  matters,  but  the 
work  contains,  in  an  appendix,  letters  on  philosophical  subjects, 
written  by  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  to  a  Jewish  intimate,  his  college 
friend  Beer,  who  had  been  a  lodger  at  the  Herz  household  in  Berlin, 
and  became  subsequently  a  physician  at  Glogau.  A  number  of  these 
letters  to  Beer  were  also  written  in  Judseo-German  characters,  and 
their  author  says8  that  he  wrote  a  particular  letter  in  German, 
because  he  was  pressed  for  time,  but  this  would  not  make  any 
difference  to  his  correspondent.  The  letters  contain  numerous 
references  to  the  Herz  family,  to  David  Friedlander  and  his 
family,  and  to  Moses  Mendelssohn  and  his  daughter  Dorothea,  and 
Humboldt  wrote  to  Beer  in  December,  1787,  from  Frankfort,  where 
he  was  attending  the  University: 

I  cannot  yet  forget  Berlin.  If  I  only  had  a  friend  here  like  you,  my  dear, 
beet  friend.8 

And  again 

I  must  remain  here  in  Frankfort,  while  you  can  live  in  Berlin,  in  the  best 
house,  among  the  noblest  people.10 

More  interesting  is  Haym's  comment  about  one  of  Humboldt's 
letters,  dealing  with  Moses  Mendelssohn's  philosophy:  " 

Mendelssohn  is  meant,  in  his  [Humboldt's]  introduction,  many  years 
later,  to  the  translations  from  Xenophon  and  Plato  of  passages  about  God, 
pre-ordination  and  immortality  (now  Gesammelte  Werke,  vol.  Ill,  p.  103), 
In  his  praise  of  4'  a  man  in  whom  Germany  for  a  long  time  honored  not 
merely  one  of  her  most  acute  philosophers,  but  also  one  of  her  finest  writers, 
one  to  whom  I  owe  my  culture  in  the  greatest  measure,  as  I  am  proud  to 
acknowledge." 

Haym  added  that  Mendelssohn  had  held  philosophical-religious 
lectures  for  his  oldest  son  Joseph  in  Berlin,  published  in  1785 

rules  were  established ;  and  a  deep  secrecy  lent  to  the  organization  the 
charm  of  a  special  importance."  Piirst's  Henriette  Herz  contains  an  inter- 
esting chapter  of  her  reminiscences  under  the  title,  Bin  Tugendbund — 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  (pp.  156-163).  Many  of  Humboldt's  letters  to 
Caroline  von  Wolzogen,  subsequently  famous  and  another  member  of  this 
organization,  which  throw  light  upon  it,  were  published  in  1891  in  the 
Deutsche  Rundschau  (vol.  Ixvl,  pp.  228-291)  by  Paul  Schwenke  as  Aus 
Wilhelm  von  Humboldt'a  Studienjahren. 

'  Briefe  von  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  an  Georg  H.  L.  Nicolovius,  Berlin 
1894. 

'Supra,  p.  93. 

•  Supra,  p.  103. 

"  Supra,  p.  107. 

II  Supra,  pp.  114-15. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     67 

under  the  title  Morgenstunden,  which  the  brothers  Humboldt  are 
supposed  to  have  attended."  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  carefully 
studied  Mendelssohn's  writings,  as  these  letters  show,  and  they 
offered  to  him  and  his  friends  rich  material  for  verbal  and  written 
discussions. 

In  the  leading  biography  of  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  edited  by 
Bruhns  "  in  a  section  written  by  Julius  Lowenberg,  it  is  said :  " 

It  Is  probable,  from  the  Interest  that  Moses  Mendelssohn  Is  known  to 
have  taken  in  the  studies  of  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt,  that  there  may  be 
tome  truth  in  the  tradition  that  he  used  to  spend  "  morning  hours "  in 
walking  about  the  garden  in  company  with  the  two  brothers,  and,  while 
engaged  in  friendly  intercourse,  discoursing  to  them  valuable  lessons  in 
philanthropy  and  philosophy.  Ample  proof,  however,  exists  that  inter- 
course of  a  similar  instructive  character  was  maintained  between  the 
Humboldts  and  David  Friedlander,  since  several  letters  are  still  extant  that 
were  addressed  to  him  by  the  two  brothers."  At  his  death  on  December  25, 
1834,  his  eldest  son,  Benoni  Friedlander  received  the  following  expressions 
of  condolence  from  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt : 

"  TBGEL,  January  2,  1835. 

"  If  his  life,  as  you  remark,  has  been  a  happy  one,  It  has  also  been  one 
of  usefulness  and  honor,  for  by  his  worth  and  talents  he  has  won  for  him- 
self a  position  In  which  he  will  never  cease  to  be  remembered.  It  is  a  great 
gratification  to  me  to  learn  that  during  the  Illness  of  our  deceased  friend, 
my  brother  and  I  had  often  been  in  his  thoughts,  and  It  can  never  be  for- 
gotten by  either  of  us  how  diligently  he  laboured  for  our  improvement. 
From  the  kind  interest  which  he  manifested  toward  us  from  the  first,  he 
kept  us  always  in  a  pleased  and  eager  mood,  while  his  quick  intelligence, 
the  almost  uninterrupted  cheerfulness  of  his  disposition  and  his  constant 
incitement  to  some  useful  occupation,  either  mental  or  physical,  rendered 
our  studies  both  interesting  and  attractive.  He  early  directed  our  minds 
to  correct  views  on  several  important  points  connected  with  life  and 
society — views,  however,  which  at  that  time  were  by  no  means  universally 
received." 

Another  tutor  to  the  two  Humboldts  Is  referred  to  by  Kunth,  under  the 
name  of  Meyer ;  probably  this  was  the  mathematician  Meyer  Hirsch,  whose 
books  on  algebra  and  geometry  are  still  in  use  as  educational  works  and 
who  at  that  time  was  engaged  in  the  tuition  of  some  young  princes  of  the 
court. 

Alexander  von  Humboldt  wrote  an  interesting  letter  on  November  12, 
1855,  to  Rabbi  Marco  Mortara,  of  Mantua,  regarding  this  Mendelssohn 
influence,"  as  follows : 

"  As  I  had  the  honor  from  my  earliest  youth  to  be  associated  In  Germany 
with  distinguished  men  among  your  coreligionists  who  were  interested  in 

"  Kayserling's  Moses  Mendelssohn,  pp.  422,  426 ;  Lowenberg  In  Bruhns, 
Leben  von  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  vol.  1,  p.  29.  It  Is  interesting  to  notice 
that  Gentz  came  to  Berlin  as  a  nineteen-year-old  youth,  bearing  a  warm 
letter  of  recommendation,  dated  August  16,  1783,  from  the  philosopher 
Kant  to  Moses  Mendelssohn,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  through 
Jewish  Influences  that  Gentz  secured  an  entry  into  intellectual  and  influ- 
ential Berlin  circles.  He  was  also  warm  in  praise  of  Moses  Mendelssohn. 
See  Brief e  von  und  an  Friedrich  von  Gentz,  edited  by  Fr.  C.  Wittichen,  I. 
Briefe  an  Elisabeth  Oraun,  Garve,  Botticher,  Munich  and  Berlin,  1909, 
pp.  76,  139,  and  141,  citing  Kant's  Briefe,  vol.  1,  p.  188. 

"  English  translation,  London,  1873. 

14  Vol.  i,  pp.  22-24. 

15  See  transcripts  in  Kohut's  Alexander  von  Humboldt  und  das  Judenthum. 
14  See  Adolph  Kohut's  book,  pp.  65,  66. 


68  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

philosophy  and  mathematics,  and  inasmuch  as  one  of  our  greatest  and  oldest 
writers,  Lessing's  friend,  Moses  Mendelssohn,  exerted  an  influence  upon 
the  education  which  I  and  my  brother  enjoyed  in  the  antediluvian  period, 
I  notice  with  very  great  pleasure  how  the  love  of  science  and  serious  study 
in  various  fields  is  being  developed  among  the  Jews,  despite  the  obstacles 
which  the  sad  legacy  of  bygone  centuries  and  the  religious  intolerance  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  interposes." 

In  fact,  Moses  Mendelssohn  exerted  a  profound  influence  upon  the 
intellectual  worlds  of  Germany  and  France  in  that  day,  some  of  it 
more  indirectly  through  his  friends,  Lessing  and  Nicolai. 

In  Bruhn's  work 1T  Henrietta  Herz  is  described  as  having  been  the  most 
noted  beauty  in  Berlin,  while  her  intellectual  gifts  were  also  emphasized. 
It  is  there  said  that  the  phrase :  "  Whoever  has  not  seen  the  Gendarmen- 
platz  and  Madame  Herz,  has  not  seen  Berlin,"  was  a  current  saying  of  the 
day.  She  pointed  out  in  her  reminiscences,  that  it  was  chiefly  due  to  the 
Protestant  Humboldt  that  the  Pope  fared  as  well  as  he  did  at  the  Congress 
of  Vienna.18 

Among  other  intimates  of  Humboldt  were  Rahel  Varnhagen,  and 
David  Veit,  another  of  Rahel's  diligent  correspondents,19  as  was  also 
Ludwig  Boerne.  Throughout  his  life  Humboldt  was  on  intimate 
terms  with  the  members  of  the  Mendelssohn  family,  particularly 
Dorothea  Schlegel,  and  well  acquainted  with  her  sons,  the  artists 
Veit,  and  with  the  Arnstein  and  the  Eskeles  family,  of  Vienna,  ana 
the  Bartholdy  family. 

Humboldt's  correspondence  with  his  wife  is  replete  with  refer- 
ences to  these  persons,  among  other  Jews,  and  we  also  find  about 
1834  an  interesting  characterization  from  his  pen  of  Rahel  Levin 
Varnhagen  von  Ense.20 

Under  date  of  August  14,  1814,  from  Vienna,  Humboldt  char- 
acterized Dorothea  Schlegel,  as  follows:  "• 

I  was  a  very  long  time  at  [Dorothea]  Schlegel's  and  had  a  most  interest- 
ing conversation  with  her.  She  has  always  had  an  undeniably  great,  and 
now  a  more  delicate,  intellect  (Geist),  and  whatever  is  bound  up  with  it; 
she  is  also  more  profound  now,  whereas  she  was  formerly  dry  and  reticent. 
We  spoke  mostly  about  her  husband  and  his  projects,  but  went  from  this  to 
more  general  topics. 

Particularly  interesting  is  a  passage  in  a  letter  which  Humboldt 
wrote  to  his  wife  from  Chatillon,  March  2,  1814,  near  the  end  of 

"  Vol.  1,  p.  41. 

18  Ftirst's  Henriette  Herz,  pp.  160-2 ;  compare  Mejer's  Zur  Geschichte 
der  romisch-deutschen  Frage,  three  volumes,  1885,  especially  vol.  i.  pp. 
446-491  as  to  the  Congress  of  Vienna  in  its  relations  to  the  Catholic  Church. 

"  See  Brieftoechsel  zwischen  Rahel  und  David  Veit,  two  volumes,  Leipzig, 
1861. 

20  Brief e  von  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  an  eine  Freundin,  containing  an 
introduction  by  Ludwig  Geiger,  Deutsche  Hand-  und  Haus-Bibliotek — Col- 
lection Spemann,  vols.  Ix,  Ixxi,  part  II,  p.  176  et  seq.;  letters  No.  149 
(December  3,  1834),  150  (December,  1834-February,  1835). 

n  See  Sydow,  supra,  vol.  iv,  p.  376. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     69 

which  he  refers  to  his  old-time  admiration  for  the  distinguished 
salon  leader,  Henrietta  Herz: 

My  chief  reading,  in  addition  to  the  classics,  is  Bossuet ;  that  you  can 
relate  to  Gentz,  who  will  be  edified  over  it.  I  derived  from  him  reinforce- 
ment for  my  old  and  earliest  ideas  about  the  Jews.  I  also  accomplished 
something  at  Chatillon  for  the  Jews,  whom  I  always  aid.  I  read  an  edict 
in  our  newspapers,  providing  that  in  case  of  dissection  of  corpses  in  legal 
proceedings,  a  Jew's  services  should  never  be  secured,  but  only  a  Christian 
physician's.  This  discrimination  made  me  indignant ;  accordingly,  I  wrote 
to  Kircheisen,  the  Minister  of  Justice,  that  he  should  abolish  such  a 
measure,  based  on  prejudice,  by  enacting  a  new  law,  and  I  hope  he  will 
follow  my  suggestion.  They  are  the  last  embers  of  my  devotion  (Pietat) 
toward  [Henrietta]  Herz.  However,  she  has  herself  almost  become  a 
Christian.  All  are  deserting  the  ancient  gods.22 

Among  intimate  acquaintances  of  Wilhelm  and  Karoline  von 
Humboldt  was  Dr.  David  Ferdinand  Koreff,  who  became  a  distin- 
guished Prussian  physician  soon  after  Markus  Herz's  time,  ac- 
quired important  political  influence  with  Humboldt,  Hardenberg 
and  even  royalty  itself,  and  was  also  a  litterateur.  Speaking  of  the 
circumstance  that  Karoline  von  Humboldt  and  her  daughters  ar- 
ranged to  make  room  to  enable  Dr.  Koreff,  their  physician,  to  lodge 
in  a  house  in  Berlin,  in  which  they  were  sojourning,  Varnhagen 
wrote  to  his  wife  on  June  26,  1815: 

It  affords  me  further  satisfaction  that  Koreff  is  a  Jew,  because  they  are 
so  hostile  to  all  the  Jews.23 

Of  course,  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  chief  services  to  the  Jews 
have  already  been  noted  in  our  paper,  comprising  mainly  his  report 

12  Wilhelm  und  Karoline  von  Humboldt  in  ihren  Brief  en,  supra,  vol.  iv, 
p.  260.  It  must  be  conceded  that  Jean-Paul's  famous  bon  mot  regarding 
several  of  the  Jewish  salon  leaders  of  this  period,  that  there  was  so  little 
of  the  Old  Testament  about  them  that  they  all  married  into  the  New,  was 
substantially  correct.  While  Henrietta  Herz  did  not  marry  out  of  the 
Jewish  faith,  she,  too,  became  a  convert  to  Christianity  In  1817,  soon  after 
her  mother's  death.  Some  years  later,  in  her  reminiscences,  she  wrote  a 
striking  explanation  of  the  indifference  of  her  generation  to  Judaism, 
blaming  It  upon  the  poor  educational  methods,  especially  for  girls,  in  vogue 
among  the  Jews.  These  failed  to  interest  them  in  their  faith.  The  trend 
toward  Christianity  on  their  part  was  ascribed  by  her  to  the  continuance  of 
out-grown  forms  and  unintelligent  Hebrew  instruction.  Landsberg,  supra, 
pp.  107-109. 

28  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Varnhagen  und  Rahel,  Leipzig,  1875,  vol.  Iv, 
p.  155  :  see  regarding  Koreff,  ibid.,  p.  180,  and  Varnhagen's  Biographische 
Portrdts.  Nebst  Briefen  von  Koreff,  etc.,  Leipzig,  1871 ;  Briefe  von  Stage- 
mann,  Metternich,  Heine  und  Bettina  von  Arnim.  Aus  dem  Nachlass  Varn- 
hagens,  Leipzig,  1865,  pp.  22-23,  64 ;  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Karoline  von 
Humboldt,  Rahel,  etc.;  Landsberg,  supra;  Berdrow's  Rahel  Varnhagen; 
3.  E.  Hitzlg's  Leben  und  Briefe  von  Adelbert  von  Chamisso,  constituting 
vols.  v.  vi  of  his  edition  of  Chamisso's  Werke,  2d  edition,  Leipzig,  1842 : 
Ludwlg  Geiger's  Aus  Chamisso's  Frilhzeit,  Berlin,  1905 ;  Briefwechsel 
zwischen  Jacob  und  Wilhelm  Grimm:  aits  der  Jngendzeit,  edited  by  Hermann 
Grimm  and  G.  Henrlchs,  Weimar,  1881)  ;  Euphorion,  vol.  xvi,  p.  664.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  he  was  related  to  the  Solomon  Koreff  of  Prague  who  figures 
in  an  article  under  that  title  In  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia." 


70  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

of  1809  on  Jewish  emancipation  and  his  activities  on  their  behalf 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  The  report  on  Jewish  emancipation  is 
discussed  in  Gebhardt's  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  als  Staatsmann* 
but,  as  that  writer  seems  to  have  been  unfamiliar  with  the  sub- 
sequently published  literature  regarding  Humboldt's  activities 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  this  evidence  of  Prince  Harden- 
berg's  absorption  of  Humboldt's  views,  its  importance  was  unduly 
minimized. 

As  hereinbefore  indicated,  the  arguments  in  this  report  in  favor 
of  an  immediate  and  complete  Jewish  emancipation  are  in  striking 
contrast  even  to  Dohm's  famous  plea,  and  it  is,  in  fact,  a 
political  classic.  The  accidental  circumstances  that  no  Prussian 
edict  was  issued  on  this  subject  until  three  years  later,  that  mean- 
while different  drafts  were  prepared  by  others,"  and  that  Huna- 
boldt  ceased  to  remain  in  the  ministry  are  of  little  significance; 
no  other  Prussian  statesman  of  the  day  who  studied  the  question 
had  the  standing  Humboldt  then  enjoyed,  nor  his  influence  with 
Prince  Hardenberg,  and  we  find  Hardenberg  immersed  in  Hum- 
boldt's reasoning  by  1814-1815.  Unfortunately,  Humboldt  was 
ahead  of  his  time,  and  the  edict  of  1812  by  no  means  measured  up 
to  the  principles  he  had  laid  down.88 

As  regards  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  his  statement  as  communi- 
cated to  his  wife  in  the  letter  of  June  4,  1815,  cited  above,  that  if  it 
had  not  been  for  his  devotion  and  perseverance  to  the  subject,  the 
efforts  made  there  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  would  have  failed,  is  doubt- 
less accurate,  and  it  is  sustained  by  Smidt's  contemporary  reports, 
though  undoubtedly,  other  great  statesmen  of  the  day  also  cham- 
pioned this  cause,  no  less  disinterestedly  than  he.  It  may  well  be 
that,  if  he  had  remained  in  active  political  life,  the  reactionary 
forces  would  have  been  unable  to  check  Jewish  emancipation  in 
Germany  so  long  and  so  sweepingly." 

*  1896 ;  vol.  i,  p.  21,  vol.  11,  pp.  310-22. 

M  Collated  in  Freund,  Die  Emanzipation  der  Juden  in  Preussen,  Berlin, 
1912,  vol.  11.  p.  291  et  seq. 

M  For  a  detailed  treatment  of  the  edict  of  1812  see  Freund,  supra;  and 
an  Interesting  chapter  on  its  history  is  contained  in  Alfred  Stern,  Abhand- 
lungen  und  Aktenstilcke  zur  Geschichte  der  preussischen  Reformzeit,  Leip- 
zig, 1885,  pp.  225-62 ;  see  also,  my  paper,  "  Jewish  Emancipation  a  Century 
Ago  and  To-day,"  in  The  Reform  Advocate,  December,  1917. 

"An  illustration  in  point  of  measures  which  he  would  have  opposed, 
occurred  during  his  London  ambassadorship,  and  is  referred  to  by  von 
Stagemann  in  a  letter  to  Rahel,  dated  February  1,  1816  (Briefe  von  Stage- 
mann,  Metternich,  Heine  und  Bettina  von  Arnim,  Leipzig,  1865,  p.  30)  : 
"  The  King  wishes  to  convert  the  Jews  willy-nilly  to  Judaism.  He  has 
forbidden  all  Jewish  services  In  the  German  language  in  the  private  houses 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     71 

As  shown  in  our  paper,  Humboldt  and  Gentz,  at  least,  labored 
zealously  to  secure  action  on  behalf  of  the  Jews  at  the  German 
Diet  which  met  in  1816  at  Frankfort,  pursuant  to  the  provisions 
of  Article  XVI  of  the  German  Constitution,  adopted  at  Vienna. 


II. 

REGARDING  THE  DRAFT  OF  A  NEW  SYSTEM  OF  LEGISLA- 
TION FOR  THE  JEWS,  JULY  17,  1809,   BY 
WILHELM  VON  HUMBOLDT.1 

The  present  condition  of  the  Jews  among  us — the  improvement  of  which 
is  the  important  problem  of  every  system  of  legislation  concerning  this 
people — rests  upon  causes  and  is  connected  with  circumstances  making  It 
impossible  for  any  single  state  to  deal  with  them  effectively  and  radically. 
Three  characteristics  distinguish  the  Jews  from  all  other  people  of  antiquity, 
particularly  In  their  relations  to  each  other : 

(a)  Leading  originally  a  nomadic  life,  they  often  migrated  subsequently, 
from  necessity  frequently,  at  times  voluntarily,  and  they  were  not  infre- 
quently subjected  to  foreign  rule. 

(b)  An    ecclesiastical-political    organization,    in    which    religion    (in    ts 
pure  conception)  often  became  almost  a  nullity. 

(c)  A  system  which  imposed  an  external  mark  of  distinction  upon  the 
male  sex  (by  reason  of  which  the  religious  organization  may  be  character- 
ized as  political),  that  separates  them  even  from  those  among  whom  they 
live. 

These  three  characteristics,  merged  together,  have  made  of  the  Jews  what 
they  still  are  among  us.  Possessing  the  resulting  national  character, 
which  enabled  them  to  take  a  leading  part  in  all  great  events  of  the  world, 
and  yet  one  which  itself  defies  complete  analysis,  it  chiefly  manifests  itself 
in  the  Jew  in  a  stubborn  attachment  to  primitive  custom  and  in  a  remark- 
able power  of  passive  resistance.  This  national  character — linked  together, 
however,  to  Christian  ideas,  by  reason  of  which  Judaism  and  Christianity 
in  one  aspect  belong  in  one  class,  while  in  another,  they  are  to  be  regarded 
as  diametrically  opposed  to  each  other — gave  to  the  comparatively  unim- 
portant Jewish  race,  even  in  antiquity,  an  entirely  disproportionate  import- 
ance. Their  condition  is,  accordingly,  an  ecclesiastical — world-historical 
phenomenon,  a  phenomenon  so  remarkable  that  intellects  certainly  not 
mean  have  repeatedly  wondered  if  they  can  be  accounted  for  in  a  merely 
human  way. 

of  prayer.  They  should  attend  the  services  and  hear  Hebrew  spoken  there, 
because  they  are  not  better  than  the  Catholics,  who  must  listen  to  their 
masses  in  Hebrew,  to-wit,  Latin." 

1  This  is  taken  from  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt's  Gesammelte  Schriften, 
issued  by  the  Royal  Prussian  Academy  of  Sciences,  Berlin,  1903,  vol.  x, 
pp.  97-115,  this  volume  bearing  a  subtitle :  Politische  Denkschriften,  part  I, 
1802-1810,  edited  by  Bruno  Gebhardt.  This  draft  was  particularly  sug- 
gested by  Minister  von  SchrStter's  proposed  legislation  of  1808,  designed 
"  to  make  the  Jews  useful  citizens  in  time."  After  SchrStter's  withdrawal 
from  office,  Dohna  submitted  this  draft  of  a  new  law  to  the  various  leading 
Prussian  officials  for  their  views.  Many  Jews  had  immigrated  to  Prussia 
from  adjacent  German  states  during  the  Napoleonic  Wars,  which  fact 
accounts  for  some  of  the  restrictive  provisions  contained  in  the  bill.  Hum- 
boldt's  colleagues  in  the  section  for  religion  and  public  instruction  rendered 
concurring  opinions  a  few  weeks  later ;  see  Freund,  supra,  vol.  il,  pp.  269-91. 


72  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

The  means  to  bring  about  a  change  in  this  condition,  as  will  readily  be 
seen,  are  to  be  considered  with  respect  to  the  above  three  chief  causes. 
These  means  are : 

1.  Assimilation ; 

2.  Destruction  of  their  hierarchical  mould ; 
8.  Regulation  of  their  place  of  abode. 

However,  as  long  as  these  measures  are  attempted  only  in  a  single  state, 
assimilation  will  never  become  potent  enough ;  and  in.  regard  to  religious 
ideas,  the  contrast  between  Jew  and  Christian  will  necessarily  continue, 
until  the  notion  that  Christianity  is  the  very  opposite  of  Judaism  is 
universally  dissipated. 

Accordingly,  here  there  are  difficulties  which  no  legislative  system,  least 
of  all  a  single  one,  can  wholly  overcome. 

it  must  be  plain  and  undeniable,  however,  that  every  scheme  of  legisla- 
tion regarding  the  Jews  surpasses  every  other  one  to  the  extent  that  it 
makes  segregation  unnoticeable  and  assimilation  more  thorough. 

However,  here  again  two  systems  are  to  be  differentiated,  one  of  which 
seeks  to  abolish  segregation  at  once,  and  the  other  only  gradually. 

Considered  by  itself  alone,  and  I  might  say  from  the  purely  logical  point 
of  view,  it  can  scarcely  be  denied  that  only  a  sudden  grant  of  equal  and  full 
rights,  is  just,  politic,  and  consistent. 

Just:  because  no  possible  legal  principle  can  be  thought  of,  why  the  Jew, 
who  desires  to  assume  all  the  duties  of  the  Christian,  should  not  also 
participate  in  all  his  rights.  It  would,  therefore,  have  to  be  first  demon- 
strated that  in  some  particular  country  the  Jews  entered  it  under  an 
agreement  for  the  continuance  of  only  partial  concessions,  and  not  merely 
that  Jews,  already  found  there,  were  tolerated  with  merely  such  limited 
rights.  Even  then  the  political  question  would  become  all  the  more 
important :  Should  we  tolerate  the  presence  of  aliens  possessing  only  such 
limited  rights  in  a  state? 

Politic:  for  a  leap  is  necessary,  an  immediate  declaration  is  requisite  to 
obtain  public  esteem,  necessary  even  for  their  moral  welfare,  for  persons 
who  are  despised,  not  on  their  own  account  or  because  of  their  individual 
conduct,  but  on  account  of  prejudice,  and  because  they  are  made  to  suffer 
for  the  shortcomings  of  their  brethren,  as  though  they  belonged  to  a  caste. 
No  matter  how  many  well-behaved  Jews  the  public  may  see,  it  will  not  on 
that  account  change  its  opinion  concerning  the  Jews  per  se,  but  will  always 
regard  the  Individual  cases  as  exceptions.  Not  that  the  State  should  exactly 
teach  esteem  for  the  Jews,2  but  the  inhuman  and  prejudiced  manner  of 
thinking  which  judges  a  man,  not  in  accordance  with  his  actual  character- 
istics, but  according  to  his  descent  and  religion,  and  considers  him,  not  as 
an  individual,  but  as  one  belonging  to  a  race,  and  necessarily  sharing  alleged 
common  attributes  of  the  race,  should  be  abandoned.  But  this  the  state 
can  only  accomplish  by  declaring  distinctly  and  unequivocally  that  it  will 
no  longer  recognize  any  distinctions  betweeen  Jews  and  Christians.  Finally, 

Consistent:  for  a  gradual  emancipation  merely  emphasizes  the  segrega- 
tion which  it  desires  to  abolish,  in  all  matters  that  are  not  repealed,  and 
doubles  the  same,  precisely  because  the  new  and  greater  freedom  attracts 
attention  toward  the  disabilities  still  continuing,  and  therefore  works 
toward  defeating  it  own  aim. 

However,  the  whole  basis  of  the  system  of  gradual  emancipation  is.  in 
my  opinion,  grounded  upon  a  theory  of  legislation  which,  though  at  one 

3  In  the  original  draft,  the  following  passages  also  appeared :  "  But  the 
state  should  teach — not  for  the  sake  of  the  Jews,  but  because  of  Christian 
ethics — that  it  should  never  be  admissible  to  speak  and  say  of  any  human 
being,  whom  God  has  endowed  with  reason,  heart  and  freedom  of  will,  as  it 
would  of  animals,  possessing  mere  instinct :  the  Jews  have  this  and  that 
radical  fault,  are  fraudulent,  degraded,  etc.  But  this  is  what  it  does,  when 
it  makes  public  declarations." 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     73 

time  accepted,  has  long  since  been  properly  abandoned.  It  Is  in  fact  one 
which  regards  legislation  as  a  method  of  educating  the  citizen  ;  where  it  has 
the  means  at  hand,  it  strives  towards  positive  results,  and,  starting  from  a 
definite  conception  of  the  character  and  culture  of  the  nation,  deems  itself 
capable  of  leading  its  subjects  toward  progress  and  even  toward  another 
stage  of  development. 

However,  it  seems  to  me,  as  the  State  is  to  raise  itself  only  through  the 
bestowal  and  limitation  of  rights,  and  thereby  to  set  in  resulting  proper 
balance  the  rights  of  the  citizens,  it  can  merely  strive,  in  negative  fashion, 
and  must  leave  positive  effects  for  the  free  activity  of  the  nation.  More- 
over, it  must  esteem  humanity  sufficiently  to  know  that  the  moral  stand- 
point of  a  nation  can  never  be  accurately  gauged,  much  less  that  its 
development  can  be  calculated  beforehand  and  mechanically,  inasmuch  as 
a  nation  receives  more  frequently,  and  wholly  from  within,  sudden  impulses. 
As  all  history  teaches,  these,  far  from  inducing  resulting  legislation,  on  the 
contrary  often  compel  her  to  follow  their  lead.  In  short,  the  State  is  not  an 
educational,  but  a  political  institution. 

To  return  to  the  Jews,  one  has  been  proceeding  on  certain  assumed  con- 
cepts of  their  character,  whereas,  with  respect  to  accuracy  and  degree, — 
and  here  clearly,  accuracy  and  the  question  of  degree  are  determinative, — 
practically  no  statesman  will  agree  with  any  other.  This  character  it  is 
sought  artificially  to  change ;  and,  as  one  finds  it  altered  from  time  to  time, 
greater  civil  rights  are  to  be  granted  to  the  Jews  along  with  those  already 
enjoyed  by  all  others  residing  in  the  state. 

Anyone  who  has  seriously  studied  national  characteristics  will  know  of 
how  little  value  Is  one's  experience,  on  which  one  bases  one's  views  In 
judging  them,  and  what  a  rare  combination  of  real  philosophical  insight 
and  of  quick  and  delicate  power  of  observation  is  requisite  in  forming 
Judgments.  On  the  other  ^and,  in  an  equal  degree  with  such  a  capacity, 
the  positiveness  of  one's  judgments  abates,  and  the  result  finally  Is  that  a 
cautious  man  will  seldom  shape  his  conduct  upon  them,  a  conscientious 
man  will  never  predicate  upon  them  the  granting  or  withholding  of  rights. 

One  is,  moreover,  involved  in  the  most  serious  difficulties  in  endeavoring 
to  gauge  the  progress  of  a  nation's  advance.  How,  for  example,  should  we 
judge  whether  the  Jews  have  become  more  worthy  of  public  esteem? 
Should  it  be  on  the  basis  of  a  collection  of  Individual  actions?  Or,  on 
official  reports  on  a  thousand  different  matters,  but  not  based  upon  human 
observation  by  efficient  officials  concerning  a  subject,  on  which  even  indi- 
vidual consideration  finds  it  difficult  to  reach  a  conclusion?  Or,  even  on 
statistical  tables,  showing  how  many  Jews  mastered  this  or  that  industry, 
became  agriculturists  or  soldiers?  If  upon  such  externals  the  general 
valuation  of  a  single  unhappy  race  is  to  be  made  dependent,  it  is  to  be 
determined  by  reason  of  them  whether  an  irreproachable  Jew  can  be  as 
competent  a  witness  as  the  first  Christian  coming  along,  I  believe,  never- 
theless, such  a  course  to  be  incompatible  with  the  plainest  dictates  of 
human  dignity. 

If  a  state  should  desire  to  be  consistent  on  such  a  point,  It  would  be 
compelled  to  have  the  legislation  concerning  the  Christians  differ  also,  and 
their  civil  rights  vary  in  accordance  with  the  culture  of  the  recipients, 
which  notion,  fortunately,  has  not  thus  far  been  advanced  by  any  one. 

Doubtless  some  one  may  say,  in  reply,  that  it  is  not  a  matter  of  culture, 
nor  even  a  matter  of  manners,  which  distinguishes  the  Jew  from  the 
Christian,  but  really  the  element  of  probity,  the  element  that  makes  men  of 
men.  But  does  experience  justify  anyone  in  casting  such  obloquy  upon  a 
whole  nation?  Would  not  the  only  remedy  to  allay  such  a  notion — if  this 
unnatural  condition  existed  anywhere — demand  the  immediate  extirpation 
of  such  a  view,  because,  otherwise,  the  individual  person,  no  matter  what 
he  does,  remains  despised  and  necessarily  despicable?  And  would  not  a 
government  which  gives  expression  to  such  an  anathema  in  connection 


74  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

with  a  new  legislative  scheme,8  necessarily  effect  the  emigration  of  the 
better  elements  of  the  race,  and  leave  only  the  worse  behind? 

The  point  at  which,  as  far  as  I  can  see,  legislation  must  certainly  take  into 
account  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  race,  is  not  as  to  the  purpose  of  the 
state  itself,  the  determination  of  the  rights  of  citizens,  and  the  limits  of  its 
activity,  but  as  to  the  selection  of  means  for  carrying  out  plans  based  upon 
universal  principles.  For  this  purpose  even  an  incomplete  knowledge  of 
character  will  serve  (and  no  other  is  possible).  For  with  respect  to  means, 
one  can  change  without  detriment  and  judge  of  their  utility  by  their 
success. 

According  to  my  convictions,  no  legislative  system  concerning  the  Jews 
will  therefore  accomplish  its  purpose,  other  than  one  which  will  find  it 
unnecessary  to  employ  the  term  "  Jew "  in  any  signification  except  the 
religious  one ;  and  accordingly  I  favor  only  one  which  places  Jews  and 
Christians  on  an  absolute  equality.  If  the  former  would  not  be  ready  at 
once  to  assume  the  obligations,  devolving  upon  all  citizens,  I  would,  if  all 
measures  toward  this  end  had  been  exhausted,  rather  expel  them  entirely 
from  the  land.  For,  to  endure  persons  within  a  state  who  would  counte- 
nance the  manifestation  of  so  little  confidence  in  them,  even  amid  our 
advanced  culture,  as  withholding  from  them  the  commonest  civil  rights, 
would  be  prejudicial  in  the  highest  degree  to  the  morality  of  the  whole 
nation. 

What  is  urged  against  a  complete  and  immediate  grant  of  equal  rights  is 
that  this  would  be  a  leap  from  one  extreme  to  another,  and  danger  would 
arise  therefrom  to  the  state. 

The  former  of  these,  obviously,  Involves  a  misunderstanding.  If  an 
unnatural  condition  is  turned  into  a  natural  one  no  leap,  certainly  no 
hazardous  leap,  is  involved ;  such  can  be  found  only  if  an  unnatural,  if  a 
real  leap  from  natural  to  abnormal,  antagonistic,  conditions,  takes  place. 
One  converted  from  serf  to  master  changes  his  status ;  because  master  and 
serf  are  unusual  phenomena.  But  if  one  merely  unbinds  hands  that  were 
shackled,  the  subject  merely  reaches  the  natural  condition. 

The  danger  really  seems  so  great  because  one  assumes  all  Jews  at  once 
to  be  In  actual  possession  of  advantages,  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is 
possible  for  them  to  acquire,  but  which,  from  the  nature  of  the  thing,  they 
would  actually  achieve,  only  Individually  and  gradually,  just  as  Christians 
do. 

I  cheerfully  admit  that  I  do  not  perceive  any  great  danger  on  that  score. 
What  must,  in  any  event,  minimize  it  with  every  one  are  the  following 
considerations : 

1.  The  state  should  exercise  complete  and  strict  police  supervision,  and 
the  Jews,  enjoying  equal  rights,  would  be  compelled  to  obey  the  law  just  as 
the  Christians  are,  and  then  no  danger  would  have  to  be  apprehended. 

2.  The  state  might  direct  specifically,  wherever  the  nature  of  the  subject 
permits  and  requires  it,  under  what  conditions  and  within  what   limits 
various  pursuits  may  be  carried  on,  and  the  Jew,  as  well  as  the  Christian, 
would  be  bound  thereby.     No  pursuit  could  suffer,  which  is,  after  all,  the 
sole  purpose  aimed  at. 

3.  If  the  Jew  follows  a  pursuit  contrary  to  its  spirit  as,  for  Instance, 
if  he  should  turn  an  agricultural  pursuit  into  a  commercial  venture,  his 
own  self-interest  would  soon  promptly  set  him  right.     Should  that  not  be 
the  result,  this  would  merely  be  one  of  those  cases  which  strong  and  virile 
legislation  would  overlook. 

4.  Public  office  cannot  be  acquired  by  a  person  at  his  own  volition.     For 
this  an  appointment  from  the  state  would  be  required.     As  to  this,  there- 
fore, the  state  always  reserves  control  of  the  matter. 

5.  The  general  danger  that  the  Jew  would   supplant  the  Christian   is 
chimerical  on  Its  face ;  it  becomes  a  danger  In  fact  only  by  reasoning  in  a 

1  The  following  words  were  stricken  from  the  original  draft,  "  providing 
even,  for  example,  that  no  Jew  should  be  permitted  to  deliver  acceptable 
testimony." 


Jewish  Eights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     75 

circle,  because  it  is  first  assumed  that  the  distinction  between  Jews  and 
Christians  politically  is  to  be  abolished,  and  it  is  next  assumed  that 
politically  it  will  not  -be  a  matter  of  indifference  whether  a  pursuit  is 
followed  equally  well  by  a  Jew  as  by  a  Christian. 

Even  if  the  danger,  however,  did  appear  to  be  appreciable,  one  would 
nevertheless  have  to  carefully  consider  that,  as  against  this,  the  oppression, 
breeding  now  a  really  appreciable  immorality  among  a  number  of  Jews, 
would  be  wholly  eliminated,  and  that,  which  would  still  remain,  diminish 
day  by  day.  For,  a  sudden  equalization  would  very  soon  render  the  differ- 
ence  between  Jews  and  Christians  unnoticeable.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
gradual  amelioration  would  not  merely  render  this  danger  imminent  to  some 
extent,  but,  coincident  with  the  differences  themselves,  would  continue  to 
exist,  if  not  perpetually,  nevertheless  much  longer. 

Those  who  are  too  timid  about  granting  a  sudden  equality  of  rights  are, 
on  the  other  hand,  too  eager  to  adopt  a  gradual  amelioration  which  carries 
with  it  the  double  dangers  of  the  old  and  the  new  condition  while  working 
on  the  assumption  that  both  are  being  diminished. 

Taking  up,  now,  a  criticism  of  the  present  edict,  after  considering  these 
general  views, — from  the  spirit  of  which  they  are  markedly  at  variance, — 
as  also  the  system  on  which  they  are  based,  it  must  be  conceded  that  the 
Jews  acquire,  pursuant  to  them,  a  high,  and  in  many  respects  satisfactory, 
degree  of  freedom,  barring,  however,  some  very  glaring  exceptions,  as  also 
some  other  provisions  which  are  in  direct  contradiction  to  them.  Disre- 
garding these,  this  legislation  would  gain  for  them  an  appreciable  advance 
in  their  physical  welfare,  if  one  were  able  to  overlook  the  underlying  want 
of  moral  esteem  for  them  involved. 

However,  as  general  defects  the  following  may,  I  think,  be  properly  noted : 

1.  It  confirms  and  enlarges  the  demarcation  between  Jews  and  Christians 
— which  it  is  its  precise  aim  to  abolish — through  regulations  seeking  to 
bring  all  resident  Jews  into  categories  and  statistical  tables  and  through 
petty  precautions  that  no  alien  Jew  be  permitted  to  immigrate  to  the  land. 
Section  75  requires  the  production  of  a  certificate  of  circumcision,  and  by 
Section  98   [not  merely  the  authorities  but]  also  the  people  at  large  are 
requested  to  keep  an  observant  eye  upon  the  settlement  of  a  Jew.     On  the 
contrary,  the  achievement  of  the  general  purpose  would  make  it  desirable 
that  every  one  who  is  not  called  upon  to  act  in  religious  matters  should  be 
oblivious  whether  a  person  be  a  Jew  or  not,  at  which  Section  2b*  aims, 
whatever  else  may  be  said  against  it. 

2.  It   expresses   a   moral   depreciation   of  them    in   an   almost   repelling 
fashion.     For,  while  it  ascribes  to  the  Jews  a  high  degree  of  mental  culture, 
as  being  at  least  completely  possible  of  achievement,  it  robs  them  of  all 
reliance  upon  their  probity,  loyalty  and  veracity.     Compare  in  this  respect 
Sections  9,  10  and  30,  with  the  annotations.8 

4  Section  2b  requires  that  the  Jews  shall  wear  German  clothing  and  shave 
their  beards. 

8  Section  9.  In  particular  said  persons  [all  native  Jews]  may  hold  all 
academic  and  communal  positions,  as  they  are  educated  up  to  them. 

Section  10.  The  appointment  to  public  office  of  the  present  generation 
in  general  cannot  be  permitted.  Power  is  reserved,  however,  in  case 
superior  capacity  is  exhibited  by  particular  subjects,  to  make  exceptions 
to  this  rule. 

Section  30.  The  provisions  of  the  Allffemeine  Gerichts-Ordnung,  Theil  1, 
Titel  10,  Section  230,  No.  12  are  also  to  continue  in  force  for  the  first 
generation.  These  clauses  provide  that  Jewish  witnesses  shall  not  be 
accorded  the  full  credit  Christians  are  entitled  to.  The  maintenance  of  this 
provision,  particularly  for  the  present  time,  is  desirable,  owing  to  the 
lamentable  evil  consequences  resulting  from  the  lower  morality  of  the 
poorer  classes  of  Jews  in  particular. 

[From  the  Annotations.] 


76  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

3.  The    express    establishment    of    a    chief-rabbinate    lends    additional 
strength  to  the  ecclesiastical  organization  of  the  Jews,  which,  as  already 
observed,  is  markedly  more  political  than  religious,  and  constitutes  one  of 
the  greatest  obstacles  to  assimilation.     In  a  desire  to  modify  gradually  the 
ritual  laws  through  the  chief-rabbinate,  as  is  explained  in  the  annotations, 
the  policy  is  once  more  pursued  of  having  the  State  undertake  affirmative 
activities.     If  one  make  provision,  as  the  edict  does  very  satisfactorily, 
for  enlightened  and  learned  rabbis,  no  occasion  exists  for  establishing  a 
chief-rabbinate,   because,    so   far   as  the   Jews   may   do   so    at   their   own 
instance,  it  will  loose  the  bonds  between  the  individual  Jewish  churches 
and   not   introduce   a    peculiar   orthodoxy   among   the  Jews.      In   a   much 
greater    degree    it    will    promote    schisms,    through    natural    and    proper 
tolerance,   and   the  Jewish   hierarchy   will   crumble  of  itself.     Individual 
persons  will  realize  that  they  have  merely  a  ceremonial  law  and  really  no 
religion,  and  feel  impelled  to  turn  to  the  Christians  on  their  own  desire, 
actuated  by   the  inherent  human  need   for  a  higher  faith.     Then,   their 
conversion   would   become   desirable,    gratifying   and    philanthropic,    while 
now — when  it  involves  the  desertion  of  their  oppressed  brethren  and  the 
discarding  of  burdens  hitherto  borne  in  order  to  be  branded  as  baptized 
Jews  among  Christians  enjoying  full  rights — It  is  only  excusable  under 
peculiar  circumstances. 

4.  The  framing  of  the  edict  is  not  satisfactory,  inasmuch  as  it  makes  a 
long  and  in  part  (as  in  Sections  8  and  29  •)  really  illusory  enumeration  of 
the  new  rights  of  the  Jews. 

If  even  now  in  the  Prussian  state  the  epoch  has  not  yet  arrived  when  the 
difference  between  the  rights  of  Jews  and  Christians  ceases,  it  is  always 
better,  first  of  all,  briefly  to  enumerate  their  disabilities,  and  then  to  declare 
that,  with  respect  to  their  remaining  rights  and  duties,  they  are  absolutely 
equal.  The  Jew,  who  reasonably  can  ask  nothing  except  equality  of  rights, 
is  frightened  by  every  long  edict,  because,  in  his  opinion,  proper  ones  can 
comprise  only  a  few  lines. 

This  being  first  noted,  1  comment  upon  individual  sections  as  follows : 

SECTIONS  1-7.T 

The  provisions  hereby  required  of  the  Jews  (with  the  exception  of  cloth- 
ing and  the  shaving  of  beards,  as  every  citizen  is  privileged  to  wear  such 
decent  clothing  as  he  chooses,  and  the  Jews  will  drop  these  distinguishing 
marks  very  soon  at  their  own  instance)  must  be  viewed  as  universal  legal 
requirements  with  penal  provisions  for  non-compliance  and  not  conditionally. 

An  enumeration  of  the  Jews  seems  to  me  to  be  most  useless  in  so  far  as 
it  is  to  serve  for  determining  rights  and  duties.  On  the  other  hand, 
certificates  of  citizenship  exist,  and  I  think  there  must  also  be  enumera- 
tions of  denizens  and  of  craftsmen  who  are  not  citizens.  As  soon  as  a 

•  Section  8.  All  resident  Jews  shall  enjoy  equal  rights  with  the  Christians 
except  in  so  far  as  this  edict  contains  no  provision  to  the  contrary. 

Section  29.  The  Jews  are  subject  to  the  same  civil  laws  as  Christian 
believers,  and  are  governed  by  the  same  civil  and  legal  relations,  other  than 
this  ordinance  provides. 

T  Section  1.  All  Jews  and  their  families  now  living  in  Prussia  and  hold- 
Ing  letters  of  protection  and  concessions  are  to  be  regarded  as  native  Jews 
and  Prussian  citizens. 

Section  2.  The  continuance  of  their  status  as  citizens  is,  however,  per- 
mitted only — on  conditions  that  they  collectively  bear  definitely — adopted 
family  names,  wear  German  clothing,  and  have  their  beards  cut ;  and  in 
keeping  books  of  account,  documents  and  other  writings  designed  for  public 
use  employ  the  German  language  and  German  or  Latin  characters. 

Section  3.  In  order  to  comply  with  these  conditions  three  months'  grace 
is  granted  to  them  ;  those  not  complying  with  them  are  to  be  regarded  as 
alien  Jews. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     77 

system  of  village  police  Is  organized,  a  similar  institution  will  be  established 
in  the  country,  and  then  Jews  as  well  as  Christians  will  be  registered.  A 
person  not  registered  is  merely  a  traveler,  a  foreigner,  subject  to  expulsion 
beyond  the  boundaries  at  a  moment's  notice,  and  therefore  not  dangerous. 

Where  reference  is  had  to  a  right  that  can  be  exercised  only  by  a 
Christian,  the  baptismal  certificate  should  be  required ;  thereby  the  Jew  Is 
necessarily  excluded,  without  requiring  registration.  Never  should  the 
Jew,  however,  be  required  to  prove  that  he  is  a  Jew.  Because,  take  the  case 
of  a  father  who  refrains  from  having  his  sons  circumcized,  without  having 
them  become  Christians.  Would  the  State  compel  him  to  resort  either  to 
circumcision  or  baptism? 

In  this  connection  I  think  one  should  reiterate  the  often  repeated  pro- 
posal to  have  births  and  marriages  evidenced  through  civil  forms,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  ecclesiastical  rites  connected  with  them.  Complaint  has  often 
been  made  about  the  unreliability  and  errors  of  the  church  records,  and  in 
any  event  it  would  be  safer  to  secure  a  double  attestation  of  occurrences 
that  are  so  important  for  civil  life. 

SECTIONS  9-10.8 

These  sections  ought,  in  my  opinion,  to  be  absolutely  changed. 

In  the  edict  itself  there  is  only  one  awkward  phrase.  The  draftsman 
realized  that  a  complete  exclusion  from  public  office  would  be  unjust  and 
inexpedient  as  well.  He  provided  for  exceptions  and  simply  overlooked  the 
fact  that  it  would  be  better,  along  these  lines,  not  to  mention  the  subject 
at  all.  Inasmuch  as  the  bestowal  of  public  office  is  always  dependent  upon 
the  selection  of  the  government. 

The  provision  regarding  the  universal  police,  however,  absolutely  excludes 
the  Jews  from  all  public  office ;  nevertheless,  it  permits  the  acquisition  of 
academic  and  communal  appointments. 

As  against  this,  the  matter  of  public  instruction  must  be  preserved 
inviolate.  In  order  to  be  a  teacher  not  merely  talent  and  scholarship  are 
necessary,  but  also  morality  and  a  sense  of  duty,  and  scholarship  itself 
requires  the  one,  as  well  as  the  other,  if  it  is  not  to  be  mere  learning  by  rote. 
This  the  schools  and  universities  can  better  dispense  with.  The  section 
regarding  an  industrial  police  recognized  this,  and  the  one  dealing  with  the 
police  in  general  must  have  overlooked  the  connection  between  the  two 
sections,  for  a  nation  which  is  to  be  universally  excluded  from  offices  of 
state,  because  of  doubts  regarding  its  sense  of  duty,  cannot  logically  be 
made  qualified  to  fill  teaching  positions.  This  would  involve  not  honoring 
said  nation,  but  lowering  the  post  of  teacher. 

The  section  regarding  public  instruction  ought  not  to  determine  whether 
the  Jews  may  secure  state  positions.  If  the  negative  view  is  to  prevail,  it 
must  be  taken  into  account  and  insisted  upon  that  Section  9,  as  far  as  it 
relates  to  school  positions,  shall  be  eliminated,  and  there,  also,  either  the 

Section  4.  Their  family  names  must  be .  declared  by  them  before  the 
police  authorities  within  six  months.  Publication  through  the  public  news- 
papers of  the  province  shall  be  at  the  expense  of  the  person  concerned. 

Section  5.  Within  the  time  limited  the  police  authorities  of  every  place 
shall  prepare  an  alphabetical  enumeration  of  the  Jews  enjoying  protection 
and  concessions  and  annex  the  letters  of  protection. 

Section  6.  The  authorities  of  the  province  shall  prepare  the  registers- 
in-chief  and  issue  to  every  Jew  who  is  protected  or  licensed  a  certificate 
that  he  is  a  resident.  This  certificate  shall  take  the  place  of  the  letter  of 
protection. 

Section  7.  Regarding  the  enumeration,  further  particulars  will  be 
determined  upon. 

8  See  Sections  9  and  10  quoted  supra,  p.  75. 


78  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

exclusion  of  Jews  be  made  absolute, —  (which,  however,  is  not  to  be  favored, 
nor  is  any  curtailment  based  upon  the  fluctuating  condemnation  of  a  whole 
nation), — or  their  capacity  left  to  rest  upon  individual  qualifications  within 
their  circle,  without  regard  to  descent  and  religion,  where  religion  does 
not  come  into  play.  But  an  expression,  which  insults  the  entire  teaching 
staff,  cannot  be  allowed  by  the  ministry  to  remain  in  a  public  edict,  and  the 
section  regarding  their  duties  cannot  be  overlooked. 

In  connection  with  Jewish  communal  positions,  it  has  perhaps  not  been 
borne  in  mind  that,  according  to  uniform  principles,  the  Jews  also  would 
find  a  place  in  a  national  representation.  Surely  it  would  be  extraordinary 
if  one,  who  may  become  the  representative  of  his  entire  nation,  cannot  fill 
any,  perhaps  unimportant,  public  post.  I  cannot  agree  with  the  distinc- 
tion made  in  this  respect  in  the  section  regarding  the  industrial  police.  A 
prejudice  injurious  to  the  rights  of  many  members  of  the  state,  such  as 
disrespect  for  the  Jews,  must  not  be  ignored  by  the  state,  but  it  should 
declare  squarely  against  it. 

According  to  my  views  Sections  9  and  10  should  be  entirely  omitted. 
Capacity  in  general  Is  self-understood,  and  the  actual  enjoyment  of  these 
privileges  is  dependent  upon  the  people  at  large,  the  authorities,  and  the 
king,  and  within  their  control. 

SECTIONS  12-15.* 

Concerning  the  removal  of  restrictions  upon  settlement  in  the  country 
districts,  I  am  fully  of  Privy  Counsellor  Kohler's  opinion. 

SECTIONS  18-20.10 

Privy  Counsellor  Kohler  correctly  remarks  that  the  discrimination  sought 
to  be  abolished  is,  in  fact,  preserved,  if  the  ecclesiastical  commoners 
(Kirchliche  Qemeine)  are  carried  over  into  political  regulations.  But  the 
same  thing  is  done  if  desertion  by  a  Jew  is  punished  more  severely.  That 
such  desertions  will  not  be  frequent,  the  mockery  and  the  reproaches  of  the 
Christians  will  assure ;  if,  meanwhile,  a  few  cases  of  desertion  do  actually 
occur,  is  it  necessary  for  the  State  to  legislate  so  much  in  advance  regarding 
the  prohibition  of  every  such  single  contravention? 

SECTIONS  21,  22." 

I  agree  with  Privy  Counsellor  K8hler. 

•  The  edict  attempts  to  confine  residence  as  a  rule  to  the  cities ;  in  the 
rural  districts  the  Jews  may  sojourn  only  as  common  agricultural  laborers 
or  as  rural  manual-laborers,  and  may  acquire  real  estate  only  under  the 
conditions  specified  In  Section  85.  K6hler  on  the  contrary  desires  to  make 
sojourn  in  the  rural  districts  easier,  to  permit  them  to  acquire  any  kind  of 
land  there,  and  to  follow  every  authorized  civil  pursuit.  (Kohler  was 
counsellor  in  the  section  dealing  with  industrial  police.  See  Kohler's 
report  in  Freund,  supra,  vol.  ii,  pp,  251-60.) 

10  Section  18.  The  Jews  are  also  subject  to  military  conscription  and 
cantonal  duties,  and,  in  fact,  in  the  most  stringent  terms. 

Section  19.  At  the  expiration  of  six  months  and  after  names  have  been 
fixed  upon  for  them,  they  are  to  be  entered  in  the  cantonal  books  and  family 
rolls. 

Section  20.  If  a  Jew  deserts,  the  community  must  provide  two  of  its 
members  as  substitutes  for  him. 

II  While  this  edict  fixes  the  age  at  which  marriages  may  take  place  at  21 
for  male  Jews  and  16  for  Jewesses   (Section  21),  and  establishes  severe 
penalties  for  violations   (Section  22),  Kohler  desires  to  make  the  general 
laws  of  the  land  applicable  to  the  Jews. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     79 

SECTIONS  23-26." 

If  the  state  determines  accurately  who  In  fact  Is  an  alien,  Industrially 
qualified  and  subject  to  all  the  general  governmental  burdens  of  denizens, 
there  will  be  no  need  for  the  distinction  between  natives  and  aliens  in  con- 
nection with  marriages.  In  order  to  qualify  an  alien  to  become  a  denizen,  a 
formal  act  will  be  necessary,  in  the  case  both  of  Jews  and  Christians.  This 
cannot  be  consummated  without  prior  notification  to  the  officials  of  the 
state.  Here  also  what  was  said  above  about  marriages  as  actes  civiles 
applies. 

SECTION  30." 

The  abolition  of  the  requirements  under  consideration  and  the  circum- 
stance that  the  Jew  must  be  able  to  render  absolutely  competent  testimony, 
even  against  Christians,  I  regard  as  a  fundamental  prerequisite  of  every 
admissible  scheme  of  legislation  regarding  the  Jews,  and  as  an  absolute 
requirement  for  every  reform  of  this  people.  Neither  in  civic  gatherings 
nor  in  schools  nor  In  daily  life  can  human  beings  have  any  kind  of  human 
intercourse  with  one  another  or  any  relations  going  beyond  a  simple  civil 
coexistence  where  one  section,  by  reason  of  Its  descent,  inspires  suspicion  as 
to  its  elemental  moral  attributes,  its  veracity,  in  the  other.  This  must  be 
legally  borne  by  the  one  and  maintained  by  the  other.  It  would  be  much 
better  to  retain  the  old  order  of  things. 

SECTIONS  36,  37." 

If  the  acquisition  of  citizenship,  which  can  always  be  denied,  were  to  be 
conditioned  upon  an  express  authorization  from  the  king,  these  specific 
legal  requirements  would  be  unnecessary,  as  the  government  would  not  be 
bound  to  render  an  account  of  the  reasons  which  impel  It  to  withhold  Its 
consent. 

Moreover,  I  coincide  with  Privy  Counsellor  Kohler  in  not  regarding  the 
Immigration  of  foreign  Jews  as  so  dangerous. 

SECTIONS  38-40.1' 

Loss  of  citizenship  should  be  imposed  on  Jews  only  where  Christians 
Incur  the  same  penalty.  A  law  which  seeks  to  abolish  the  difference  between 

11  Section  23.  Solemnization  of  marriages  among  native  Jews  requires 
no  authorization ;  the  rabbi  must  have  the  requisite  age,  as  also  that  the 
parties  are  natives,  established  before  him,  and  notify  the  police. 

Section  24.  Natives  may  marry  foreign  women  without  authorization 
when  the  requisite  legal  age  is  established. 

Section  25.  Through  marriage  with  a  native  Jewess,  no  foreign  Jew  can 
acquire  a  legal  right  of  settlement  in  Prussia. 

Section  26.  Foreign  male  Jews  ought  not  in  fact  be  married  in  this 
country  ;  in  exceptional  instances  leave  to  do  so  may  be  secured. 

"  See  supra,  p.  75. 

14  Section  36.  Prussian  citizenship  can  be  acquired  by  foreign  Jews  only 
with  the  authorization  of  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  on  the  application 
of  the  authorities. 

Section  37.  The  application  must  be  based  upon  special  services  to  the 
state,  excellent  scholarship,  new  undertakings  conductive  to  the  general 
philanthropic  good.  Other  grounds  will  be  rejected. 

18  Section  38.  Loss  of  citizenship  shall  result  from  the  commission  of  all 
offences  carrying  with  them  imprisonment  in  a  fortress  for  one  or  more 
years. 

Section  39.  Also  in  case  of  dealing  in  contrabands,  voluntary  bankruptcy, 
counterfeiting  of  coin,  introduction  of  counterfeit  coins,  forgery,  larceny, 
concealing  stolen  property,  even  If  lesser  penalties  than  hereinbefore  men- 
tioned are  fixed  by  law. 

Section  40.  The  courts  are  formally  to  decree  loss  of  citizenship  in  all 
such  cases. 


80  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

the  two  religious  communities  does  not  do  well  to  represent  the  acquisition 
of  citizenship  by  the  Jews  as  an  extraordinary  favor. 

Moreover,  what  is  to  become  of  those  thus  punished?  To  banish  them 
from  the  land  is  difficult,  and  to  allow  them  to  remain  with  Inferior  rights, 
as  above  remarked,  very  doubtful  policy. 

SECTION  43.u 

This  seems  unnecessary,  as  It  Is  unlikely  that  an  adequate  number  of 
Jewish  families  will  be  found  In  the  villages.  But  even  If  they  should  be 
encountered,  there  Is  no  reason  for  preventing  the  formation  of  rural 
synagogues. 

SECTION  54." 

Privy  Counsellor  KShler's  comment  is  fully  justified. 

SECTION  56." 

Inasmuch  as  the  examinations  are  to  be  scientific  only  and  their  purpose 
negative :  to  exclude  Illiberal  and  Ignorant  persons  from  the  position  of 
rabbi ;  not  positive :  to  determine  their  capacity  for  such  a  post,  these 
examinations  ought  to  be  conducted  by  scientific  functionaries,  not  by  the 
ecclesiastical  and  school  functionaries.  It  were  well  then  for  the  former 
to  call  Into  conference  scholarly  Jews. 

SECTIONS  59,  60." 

That  Jewish  laymen  constituting  merely  an  ecclesiastical  corporation 
should  have  a  Christian  director-ln-chief,  his  compensation  to  be  borne  by 
them,  seems  extraordinary  to  me.  I  think  it  would  suffice  If  the  selection 
of  the  rabbis  requires  an  examination  on  an  authorized  subject  and  their 
confirmation  would  rest  with  the  Government. 

SECTIONS  66-68.*° 

I  have  already  expressed  my  views  regarding  the  Chief  Rabbi.     If  the 
laymen  do  not  ask  for  the  establishment  of  such  an  office,  none  should,  in 
my  opinion,  be  required. 

Conflicts  between  the  laity  and  their  rabbis  are  naturally  to  be  decided, 
If  they  are  not  real  law-suits,  by  the  government  of  the  province,  and  if  a 
knowledge  of  the  Jewish  religion  is  necessarily  involved  therein,  it  will 
secure  opinions  from  distinguished  rabbis.  In  the  second  instance  the 

18  Section  43.     Synagogues  may  be  erected  only  in  cities. 

II  Section  54.    Every  candidate  for  the  rabbinate  must  have  studied  three 
years  in  a  university  of  the  state,  and  furnish  certificates  of  attendance  at 
philosophical  courses  and  of  the  study  of  Oriental  languages.    KShler  wants 
to  have  these  requirements  continue  only  as  long  as  they  govern  Christians. 

18  Section  56.  The  examination  of  rabbis  on  scientific  lines  and  their 
confirmation  are  delegated  to  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  of  the  province. 

"  Section  59.  The  board  of  directors  shall  consist  of  the  dlrector-in- 
chlef  chosen  from  among  the  city  magistrates  and  two  directors  selected 
from  the  Jewish  heads  of  families ;  confirmation  by  the  magistrates  Is 
necessary. 

Section  60.  They  must  serve  for  three  years  gratuitously ;  reelection  is 
permitted.  The  salary  of  the  director-ln-chief  must  be  defrayed  by  the  Jews. 

10  Section  66.  In  Berlin  a  Chief  Rabbi  shall  be  appointed  to  supervise  all 
the  Jewish  communities  of  the  monarchy. 

Section  67.    All  the  community  shall  contribute  to  his  compensation. 

Section  68.  Complaints  against  rabbis  are  to  be  investigated  and  adjusted 
by  him ;  the  court  of  final  appeal  shall  be  the  provincial  authorities  (pro- 
rinzial  Behorde)  and  the  section  on  religion  (Section  des  Cultus). 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     81 

matter  goes  to  the  section  on  religion.  These  authorities  are  the  ones  to 
pass  on  dismissal  of  the  rabbi,  but  in  deference  to  the  wishes  of  the  laymen 
only  if  a  special  concern  of  the  state  be  involved. 

SECTION  69.21 

The  text-book  for  religious  instruction  used  by  the  rabbi,  must  assuredly 
be  approved  by  the  state.  It  must,  however,  conform,  within  the  require- 
ments of  the  general  censorship,  to  the  principle  that  the  state  shall  not 
regulate  religious  affairs. 

SECTION  TO.22 

This  is  very  good.  Nor  should  there  be  permitted  any  longer  special 
Catholic  schools  and  least  of  all  those  of  the  Reformed  Church. 

SECTIONS  72,  73.» 

Special  Jewish  hospitals  should  certainly  be  permitted.  But  Jews  should 
certainly  not  be  barred  from  the  general  Christian  institutions,  and  par- 
ticularly for  this  reason  it  Is  desirable  that  they  should  contribute  to  their 
maintenance. 

SECTIONS  76-80." 

According  to  my  views,  this  supervision  on  the  part  of  the  state  as  to  the 
number  of  Jews  or  Christians  that  should  be  allowed  to  pursue  this  or  that 
occupation  goes  too  greatly  Into  petty  details.  However,  as  the  state  does 
frequently  establish  such  provisions  and  at  least  heretofore  the  nobility  was 
not  permitted  to  ply  common  pursuits,  these  limitations  can  certainly  be 
defended. 

SECTIONS  81-93.28 

I  agree  with  Counsellor  KBhler. 

21  Section  69.     Religious  Instruction  shall  be  imparted  by  the  rabbi  on 
the  basis  of  text-books  approved  by  the  state. 

22  Section  70.    For  general  instruction  for  their  children  Jews  may  secure 
the  services  of  private  teachers  or   the  existing  public  schools.     Special 
Jewish  schools  will  not  be  permitted. 

13  Section  72.  Jewish  hospitals  and  almshouses  are  to  be  governed  by 
the  requirements  as  to  private  endowments. 

Section  73.  Their  existence  shall  not  relieve  those  supporting  them  from 
their  obligation  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of  public  Institutions  of 
this  character. 

24  Section  76.     Trade  in  all  cities  of  the  monarchy  Is  permitted. 

Section  77.  In  order  that  they  be  Induced  to  take  up  other  occupations, 
in  the  large  cities  ten  Christian  merchants,  and  six  In  the  small,  should  be 
found  to  each  Jewish  merchant. 

Section  78.  The  Jews  may  pursue  all  kinds  of  trade  except  dealing  In  old 
clothes,  which  Is  not  permitted  to  any  Jew. 

Section  79.    A  Jew  may  also  be  a  broker. 

Section  80.  If  the  Jews  exceed  their  quota  In  the  cities,  more  will  not 
be  allowed  to  immigrate  until  the  normal  number  is  reached. 

15  Section  81.  With  respect  to  Jewish  merchants  acquiring  residence,  the 
same  requirements  must  be  observed  as  In  the  case  of  Christian  merchants ; 
the  former  shall  also  have  the  same  relations  toward  mercantile  corpora- 
tions as  the  latter. 

Section  82.  The  like  conditions  shall  be  applicable  to  other  Jewish 
craftsmen. 

Section  83.  Country  property  Jews  may  acquire  only  with  the  consent  of 
the  police. 

Section  84.  Consent  will  be  given  only  on  condition  that  the  Jewish 
transferee  obligates  himself  (a)  on  such  agricultural  estates  as  have  no 


82  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

SECTION  94.M 
The  term,  moneyed  business  (Geldyeschaft) ,  is,  clearly,  too  indefinite. 

SECTION  97.21 

To  encourage  informers  may  be  very  dangerous,  in  view  of  the  relations 
between  Jews  and  Christians,  and  In  the  light  of  the  hatred  prevailing  in 
many  places.  It  would  not  lead  to  the  desired  end  of  establishing  friendly 
relations  between  the  two  religious  parties. 

SECTION  102-122.*1 

That  Jews  who  have  not  yet  become  citizens  of  the  state  in  the  manner 
above  prescribed  should  not  be  permitted  to  ply  civil  pursuits,  is  quite 
proper,  but  it  ought  apply  to  the  Christians  also.  For  he  who  wishes  to 
ply  his  vocation  ought  also  to  be  compelled  to  bear  his  share  of  the  burdens 
of  the  state.  But  that  traveling  Jews  merely  should  have  passports,  be 
allowed  to  stay  only  twenty-four  hours,  etc.,  is  an  offensive  regulation, 
which  will  make  the  differences  between  Jews  and  Christians  perpetual.  It 
will  never  become  necessary,  for  generally  applicable  police  supervision  Is 
obtainable. 


Finally,  an  observation,  emphasizing  caution  in  connection  with  new 
legislation  regarding  the  Jews,  would  perhaps  not  be  out  of  place. 

The  present  condition  of  this  nation  must  necessarily  involve  great 
external  and  also  physical  drawbacks,  but  morally  the  want  of  esteem  in 
which  they  find  themselves,  does  not  affect  either  them  or  the  Christians 

farmers,  that  he  will  secure  within  six  years  one-quarter  of  his  employees 
from  among  his  coreligionists ;  (b)  on  his  acquisition  of  estates  on  which 
there  are  farmers,  such  will  be  collectively  relieved  from  service,  and  all 
farms  within  three  years  will  be  delivered  to  their  occupants  free  from  tolls 
in  respect  of  service,  drink  and  mill. 

Sections  85-88.     Penalties  if  the  above  conditions  are  not  complied  with. 

Section  89.  Mills,  Inns,  public  houses,  etc.,  may  not  as  a  rule  be  owned 
by  Jews. 

Section  90.  For  the  establishment  of  factories  in  the  country,  an  authori- 
zation shall  be  necessary. 

Section  91.    Jews  may  not  carry  on  trade  in  the  rural  district. 

Sections  92-93.  Penalties  for  violations  thereof.  Kohler  desires  to  omit 
Sections  83-88  ;  to  Sections  89  and  90  he  wishes  to  add  mills. 

*  Section  94.  The  moneyed  business  by  Jews  with  Christians  of  the  rural 
districts  or  loans  of  merchandise  by  the  former  from  the  latter  is  prohibited. 

47  Section  97.  From  all  these  penalties,  the  informer  is  to  receive  one- 
half  the  recovery,  the  other  half  to  go  to  an  eleemosynary  institution. 

28  Section  102.  Foreigners  or  such  as  do  not  comply  with  the  provisions 
of  Section  2  shall  be  regarded  as  alien  Jews. 

Sections  103-6.  Settlement  is  forbidden  to  them ;  they  may  not  become 
rabbis  or  synagogue  officials,  or  apprentices,  or  be  employed  for  industrial 
purposes.  Penalties  provided  for  the  communities  for  infractions  hereof. 

Sections  107-122.  Entry  of  foreign  travelers  is  permitted,  but  they 
must  have  a  pass  and  secure  a  passport;  penalties  for  omitting  their 
town,  for  leaving  the  route,  for  begging  and  peddling ;  they  may  not  remain 
in  any  place  longer  than  24  hours,  then  they  must  report  to  the  police  and 
apply  for  a  permit  to  sojourn  longer ;  the  passport  for  a  locality  must  not 
be  valid  more  than  two  weeks,  except  in  the  case  of  fairs  when  not  over 
four  weeks'  leave  for  foreign  Jews  in  transit  through  the  country  may  be 
given. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — KoJiler.     83 

very  much.  For  this  condition  is  regarded  as  a  survival  of  barbarism  and 
former  prejudice,  and  it  is  assumed  that  the  state  itself  discountenances 
it,  but  has  waited  with  abolishing  it  solely  because  of  the  many  practical 
difficulties  attending  its  alteration. 

But  in  a  new  law  the  government  expresses  its  own  views,  borne  by  it 
now,  regarding  the  Jews  and  the  possibility  of  their  civil  amelioration,  and 
this  opinion  must  necessarily  be  of  the  greatest  importance  in  shaping  the 
general  sentiment  of  the  nation.  A  new  legislative  system  regarding  the 
Jews  that  is  not  quite  wise,  may  thereby  perhaps  remove  many  physical 
detriments,  but  gives  rise  to  the  possible  danger  of  creating  new,  greater 
moral  drawbacks  also,  than  even  their  present  condition  presents.  Through 
the  misdirection  of  the  universal  opinion  and  the  strengthening  of  the  old 
prejudices  against  the  Jews  such  evil  arises. 

HUMBOLDT. 
July  17,  1809. 


8i  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 


APPENDIX  B. 

THE  INFLUENCE  OF  LEWIS  WAY  AND  OTHER  ENGLISH 

MISSIONARIES  UPON  ALEXANDER  I's  TREATMENT 

OF  THE  JEWS. 

Way's  relations  to  Czar  Alexander  I  of  Russia  were  typical  of 
those  of  two  groups  of  English  missionaries,  who  exerted  great 
influence  upon  the  entire  treatment,  not  only  of  the  Jews  in  Russia 
and  Poland  at  this  period,  but  of  religious  affairs  in  general  from 
1813  to  1825,  during  the  reign  of  this  monarch,  and  we  refer  here 
to  the  British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society  and  the  London  Society 
for  Promoting  Christianity  among  the  Jews,  and  their  leading 
workers  of  that  day.  The  circumstances  that  accounts  of  their 
activities  were  printed  chiefly  in  England,  and  in  annual  reports 
and  similar  books  that  are  seldom  consulted  even  there,  is  respon- 
sible for  a  failure  not  only  on  the  part  of  Jewish  historians,  but 
of  historians  of  Russia  in  general,  to  utilize  this  material  ade- 
quately. It  is  clearly  established  that  Alexander  I  in  1812  on  the 
eve  of  the  Napoleonic  invasion  of  Russia  was  induced  by  his  inti- 
mate, Prince  Galitzin,  to  read  chapters  from  the  Bible  daily, 
and  from  then  on  all  projects  for  popularizing  the  Bible  and 
encouraging  its  translation  and  general  reading  among  his  sub- 
jects greatly  appealed  to  him.  This  was  so,  although  the  Russian 
Holy  Synod,  like  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  had  discouraged 
the  popular  study  of  the  Bible.  Around  the  same  time  the  Rus- 
sian Ambassador  at  Stockholm,  doubtless  at  the  instance  of  Alex- 
ander I  and  Galitzin,  sent  for  one  of  these  British  Bible  Society 
workers,  Rev.  John  Paterson,  and  urged  him  to  start  organized 
work  at  St.  Petersburg.  Paterson  was  given  a  safe-conduct  into 
Russia  at  a  time  when  that  empire  was  still  at  war  with  England 
as  Napoleon's  ally,  being  informed  that  Russia  would  side  against 
that  "  Anti-Christ "  very  soon.  Soon  thereafter,  the  Russian 
Bible  Society  was  started,  with  generous  imperial  aid,  Prince 
Galitzin,  Alexander's  Minister  of  Worship  and  Public  Education, 
becoming  its  president.  The  Bible  was  translated  into  Russian 
tongues,  and  thereafter  under  these  auspices  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  copies  of  it  were  circulated  in  all  the  languages  of  the 
empire.  In  line  with  this,  special  efforts  to  organize  public  schools 
were  made  by  Alexander  and  Galitzin,  with  the  aid  of  Joseph 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     85 

Hamel,  William  Allen,  Heard,  and  Capodistrias,  the  English  "  Lan- 
caster "  type  being  particularly  favored.  The  Bible  Society 
workers  were  especially  interested  in  labor  among  the  Jews 
of  Russia,  its  workers,  Ebenezer  Henderson,  Robert  Pinkerton  and 
John  Paterson,1  and  their  associates  often  directly  cooperating  in 
Jewish  conversion  activities  with  the  missionaries  of  the  London 
Society  for  Promoting  Christianity  Among  the  Jews,  such  as 
Rev.  Lewis  Way,  Benjamin  N.  Solomon,  Johann  C.  Moritz, 
Rev.  Mr.  Cox  and  Joseph  Wolff. 

The  annual  "  Reports  with  Appendices  "  of  the  Bible  Society, 
and  the  separate  works  and  biographies  of  its  three  leading 
missionaries  above  named,  are  full  of  references  to  the  condition 
of  the  Russian  and  Polish  Jews,  and  these  also  reprinted  the 
reports  and  announcements  of  the  Russian  Bible  Society  and  its 
branches.  These  writings,  of  course,  must  be  used  cautiously,  as 
these  missionaries  were  naturally  disposed  to  over-emphasize  the 
then  benighted  condition  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and  Poland  and  the 
success  and  hopefulness  of  their  own  evangelizing  efforts  among 
them.  They  were,  however,  often  humane,  sincere  men,  eager 
to  improve  the  condition  of  their  unfortunate  Jewish  fellows 
aside  from  proselytizing  efforts,  and  Jews  in  Russia  in  some 
numbers  purchased  copies  of  the  translation  of  the  Old  Testament, 
as  also,  it  was  contended,  of  the  New,  and  aided  the  general  work 
of  the  society,  oblivious  of  its  missionary  proclivities.  The  same 
is  also  true  of  the  information  in  the  annual  reports  with  appen- 
dices of  the  London  Society  for  Promoting  Christianity  among  the 
Jews,  its  monthly  periodical,  The  Jewish  Expositor,  and  sep- 
arate publications  by  some  of  its  leaders.  The  society  had  distin- 
guished and  influential  men  among  its  officers,  and  expressly  took 
up,  under  Way's  direction,  foreign  work  on  a  large  scale,  by  reso- 
lution adopted  at  its  annual  meeting,  May,  1817.  This  resolution 


1  See,  besides  their  letters  in  the  "  Bible  Society  Reports  with  Appendices," 
and  the  publications  of  the  London  Society,  E.  Henderson,  "  Biblical  Re- 
searches and  Travels  in  Russia,"  London,  1826,  especially  pp.  196-245, 
306-39,  416-9 ;  T.  S.  Henderson,  "  Memoir  of  the  Rev.  B.  Henderson,"  1860, 
written  by  his  daughter ;  Rev.  John  Paterson,  "  The  Book  for  Every  Land," 
1858 ;  William  Swan,  "  Memoir  of  the  late  Mrs.  Paterson,  wife  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Paterson,"  Edinburgh,  1824,  3d  edition ;  Robert  Pinkerton, 
"  Russia,"  London,  1833 ;  idem,  "  Present  State  of  the  Greek  Church  in 
Russia,"  New  York,  1815,  especially  p.  273  et  seq. ;  idem,  "  Extracts  of 
Letters  from  Rev.  Robert  Pinkerton,"  etc.,  London,  1817,  practically  a 
reprint  from  the  Bible  Society  Report ;  biographical  sketches  in  the  "  Dic- 
tionary of  National  Biography  "  and  Owen's  and  Canton's  histories  of  the 
Bible  Society,  infra. 


86  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

was  anticipated  by  a  sermon  by  Way,  thereafter  printed,  preached 
on  that  occasion.  Way  himself  had  four  different  interviews  with 
Alexander  I  in  Russia  in  1817-1818,  in  the  course  of  prolonged 
travels  which  lasted  a  year  and  four  months,  undertaken  at  his  own 
expense,  in  aid  of  his  Jewish  conversionist  projects,  and  at 
Alexander's  instance  he  visited  the  Crimea  in  connection  with  the 
proposed  Israelite-Christian  colonies  there,2  concessions  for  which 
he  seems  to  have  been  mainly  instrumental  in  securing.8 

On  the  other  hand,  even  non-proselytizing  activities  on  the  part 
of  these  men,  such  as  the  improvement  of  general  educational 
opportunities  among  the  Jews,  as  well  as  their  labors  for  Jewish 
emancipation,  and  particularly  Russian  governmental  approval  of 

*  See  Dubnow,  "  A  History  of  the  Jews  of  Russia  and  Poland,"  vol.  1, 
pp.  396-7 ;  the  Imperial  ukases  were  printed  In  full  in  The  Jewish  Expositor, 

1817,  pp.  384-91 ;  see  also,  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  s.  v.,  Israelite- 
Christians. 

*  In  its  May  8,  1818,  report,  the  London  Society  stated  that  "  Alexander  I 
received  him   [Way]  in  the  most  condescending  and  friendly  manner,  and 
gave  him  the  warmest  assurances  of  zealous  support  and  cooperation  on  all 
measures  tending  to  the  promotion  of  Christianity  among  his  numerous 
Jewish  subjects.     There  is  reason  to  believe  that,  since  the  date  of  the 
latest  accounts  from  Mr.  Way,  which  left  him  at  Moscow,  he  has  visited 
the  Crimea,  under  the  express  sanction,  and  probably  also  in  the  company, 
of  his  Imperial-  Majesty.     The  importance  of  that  peninsula,  as  an  object 
of  investigation  on  account  of  the  number  of  Caraite  Jews  residing  there, 
need  not  be  enlarged  upon  by  your  Committee."    The  appendix  to  this  report 
contains  numerous  letters  from  Way  and  Rev.  R.  Cox,  a  companion  of  his, 
down   to   November  28,   1817.     The  1819   report  of  the   society   contains 
B.  N.  Solomon's  account  of  his  activities,  while  accompanying  Way,  and 
following  up  his  plans  in  Russia  and  Poland,  pp.  21-5,  28,  29,  50-65,  as  also 
Robert  Pinkerton's  and  Moritz's  reports  on  their  proselytizing  activities, 
pp.  43-50.     So  also  the  1820  report,  pp.  49-58,  79-94,  and  The  Jewish  Ex- 
positor, during  this  same  period,  contain  occasional  letters  from  Way,  but 
he   does   not   seem   to   have   published   any   circumstantial    reports   of   his 
activities   nfter   November   28,    1817,    except   letters    covering    his    efforts 
in  March  and  April,  1818,  after  his  early  interviews  with  Alexander  and 
Galitzin  :    The  Jewish  Expositor,  1818,  pp.  273-84.     At  the  society's  1819 
meeting,  it  was  announced  that  letters  from  Way  from  Russia  were  not  in- 
cluded, out  of  deference  to  his  presence  at  the  meeting  itself,  especially  "  as 
such  insertion  would  only  be  an  anticipation  of  statements  which  will  appear 
in  a  journal  already  announced  for  publication."    See  The  Jewish  Expositor, 

1818,  pp.  223-7,  and  the  Way-Solomon  letters  in  that  volume,  but  the  journal 
referred  to  does  not  seem  ever  to  have  seen  the  light  of  day.    It  is  possible, 
however,  that  the  intermediate  period  was  covered  in  a  work  of  Way's, 
which  I  have  not  been  able  to  locate  in  this  country,  published  by  him  in 
1818,  entitled,  "A  Letter  Addressed  to  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  Joint 
Patron  of  the  London  Society  for  Promoting  Christianity  Among  the  Jews, 
with  an  Appendix."     It  was  referred  to  in  The  Jewish  Expositor,  1819, 
pp.  37-38,  and  a  copy  is  listed  in  the  British  Museum  Catalogue..   Some 
such  "  Letter  '  was  referred  to  as  containing  further  letters  from  Way  in 
the  course  of  an  address  at  the  1819  meeting  of  the  society  by  Rev.  Mr.  Cox. 
The  Jewish  Expositor,  1819,  p.  240. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     87 

their  plans  along  these  lines,  were  quite  certain  to  encounter 
opposition  from  Jews,  who  were  naturally  inclined  to  look  for 
conversionist  motives  emanating  from  these  sources.  Thus,  the 
converted  Jewish  missionary,  Solomon,  submitted  an  educational 
plan,  having  independent  non-conversionist  features,  to  the  gov- 
ernmental authorities  in  1818,  which  his  society  approved,*  for 
non-religious  instruction  for  the  Jews  in  Poland,  in  the  course  of 
which  prudent  laws  for  educational  reforms  enacted  by  Emperor 
Joseph  II  and  the  king  of  Holland  for  their  Jewish  subjects  were 
adverted  to.  But  he  unwisely  added: 

That  a  similar  plan  might  be  easily  adopted  and  enforced  by  his  imperial 
Majesty,  on  his  Jewish  subjects  in  Poland,  will,  I  think,  admit  of  no  ques- 
tion whatever — that  such  a  plan,  if  prudently  conducted,  will  and  must 
ultimately,  prove  useful  in  conducting  them  to  the  Christian  faith,  will 
admit  of  little  doubt.  But  one  circumstance  I  must  take  the  liberty  of 
stating  to  your  Excellency,  viz.,  that  some  of  the  more  enlightened  part  of 
their  community  ardently  wish,  and  impatiently  wait,  for  his  Majesty's 
command  respecting  such  an  institution,  and  they  even  request  me  to  pro- 
pose it  to  his  Excellency  Prince  Galitzin,  and  to  state,  they  are  willing  to 
assist  in  forming  a  plan  that  would  involve  the  government  in  no  expense 
whatever,  and  the  object  of  which  would  be,  to  turn  a  part  of  the  public 
properties  of  the  communities,  otherwise  spent  in  useless  ceremonies,  &c., 
into  this  most  salutary  channel. 

Naturally,  the  publication  of  such  weak  arguments  in  favor  of 
a  good  cause,  general  education,  alienated  devout  Jews  and  de- 
feated its  own  ends,  even  as  far  as  these  were  salutary.  Prob- 
ably for  this  reason  Way  was  advised  not  to  be  guilty  of  the 
indiscretion  of  publishing  accounts  of  his  interviews  with  Alex- 
ander and  his  chief  officials,  and  changed  his  original  plans  in  that 
regard.  Solomon  describes  some  of  Way's  activities,  however. 
At  the  suggestion  of  Alexander  I,  then  the  most  influential  man 
in  Europe,  Way  went  to  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  Conference  to  submit 
his  memorial  in  aid  of  Jewish  emancipation  there,  enthusiastic 
and  hopeful  of  the  results  of  his  humane  and  really  disinterested 
labors.  The  life  of  William  Wilberforce,  an  active  official  of  both 
the  Bible  and  Conversion  societies,  by  his  sons s  contains  an 
interesting  account  of  an  interview  which  Way,  as  the  emissary  of 
the  great  opponent  of  slavery,  had  with  Alexander  shortly  before 

4 "  Eleventh  Report  of  the  London  Conversion  Society,"  1819,  pp.  28-31, 
50-65,  especially  pp.  54,  55.  Compare  Way's  recommendations  on  this 
subject  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  supra,  pp.  54,  55.  Note  also  the  recommendations 
of  Dr.  Frank,  a  Jewish  physician  in  Russia,  to  the  governmental  authorities 
in  1800  In  favor  of  Instruction  in  Russian,  German  and  Hebrew  for  Jewish 
children  which  are  referred  to  by  Hessen  in  Monatsschrift,  supra,  vol.  Ivll, 
p.  259  (1913). 

•  Five  volumes,  London,  1838,  vol.  iv,  p.  333. 


88  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

the  Conference  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  met.  In  a  Latin  account  of  it, 
addressed  to  Wilberforce,  Way  wrote  in  1817-8:  ' 

It  was  not  an  audience  of  a  private  man  with  an  Emperor,  but  rather  a 
most  friendly  exchange  of  views  of  a  Christian  with  a  fellow  Christian. 
What  genial  condescension,  what  an  inviting  smile,  what  an  open  heart, 
what  fiery  words  and  what  love ;  almost,  or  rather  complete  and  absolute, 
divine  love !  It  was  the  spirit  of  God  which  manifested  itself  in  this 
memorable  interview. 

Some  years  later,  at  the  request  of  the  Swiss  evangelist, 
Empeytaz,  who  was  in  close  touch  with  both  Alexander  I  and 
Mme.  de  Kriidener,  Way  added  notes  to  an  English  translation 
of  Empeytaz's  pamphlet  "  Some  Particulars  relating  to  the  late 
Emperor  Alexander,  with  notes  by  L.  W." 7  In  the  last-cited 
edition,  Way  is  referred  to  as  having 

had  interviews  with  the  Emperor  at  Moscow,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  in  the 
Crimea, 

and  in  one  of  the  notes,*  language  regarding  interviews  with 
Alexander  by  Way  is  used  similar  to  that  employed  in  the  letter 
to  Wilberforce  above  quoted,  and  he  also  says:  *  "  I  have  often 
conversed  with  Alexander."  Miss  Drusilla  Way  wrote  an  account 
of  some  of  her  father's  activities  for  Prof.  Franz  Delitzsch  at 
Rev.  P.  L.  D.  Acland's  request,  as  follows: 

In  1817  he  [my  father]  went  to  the  Continent,  in  order  to  pave  the  way 
for  the  Mission  [London  Society].  In  Berlin  he  enlisted  the  English 
Ambassador,  Sir  George  Rose,  in  the  cause,  who  has  since  then  been  one  of 
its  most  zealous  promotors.  Introduced  by  him  to  the  Crown  Prince,  he 
interested  the  latter  also,  who  became  so  fond  of  him,  that  he  subsequently 
presented  to  him  through  Sir  George  Rose  an  allegorical  enamelled  porce- 
lain piece,  as  a  token  of  bis  grateful  remembrance.  His  real  destination 
was  Russia.  Here  in  St.  Petersburg  he  had  four  deeply  affecting  inter- 
views with  Emperor  Alexander,  who  received  all  he  told  him  about  the  con- 
dition of  the  Jews  and  the  duty  of  the  Christians,  to  interest  themselves 
In  their  external  and  spiritual  welfare,  with  the  warmest  and  liveliest 
sympathy.  At  this  time  the  Emperor  developed  a  scheme  for  a  Jewish- 
Christian  colony  m  the  Crimea,  which  was,  however,  never  realized.  It  was 
his  express  wish  that  my  father  meet  him  at  the  Congress  in  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
in  order  to  lay  before  the  gathering  of  notables  there  and  bring  close  to 
their  hearts,  the  matter  of  the  Jews.  Sir  Thomas  Acland,  who  was  present, 
in  friendly  fashion  aided  him  in  this  appeal  to  the  sovereigns  of  Europe.10 

e/6td.;  also  quoted  by  Miss  Way  in  Saat  auf  Hoftnung,  vol.  xiv,  p.  128 
(1877). 

7  London,  1830,  second  edition,  translated  by  William  Henderson,  Aber- 
deen, 1855. 

1  P.  12. 

•  P.  13. 

19 Saat  auf  Hoffnunff,  vol.  xiii,  pp.  211,  212  (1877).  Subsequently,  accord- 
ing to  Miss  Way,  ibiil.,  vol.  xiv,  p.  127,  Way  desired  to  continue  action  on 
Jewish  affairs  at  the  Congress  of  Verona  in  1822,  but  Count  Nesselrode 
answered  him  politely  that  the  time  afforded  for  despatch  of  the  programme 
already  agreed  upon,  was  so  brief,  that  the  Emperor  would  have  to  deny 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     89 

When,  however,  the  reactionary  elements  succeeded  in  convincing 
Alexander  that  the  Bible  Society  workers  were  in  danger  of  under- 
mining not  merely  the  established  Greek  Church,  by  popularizing 
the  Bible  and  educating  the  populace,  but  also  of  overthrowing 
autocracy  and  promoting  revolutionary  efforts,  Alexander's  atti- 
tude completely  changed  in  1824.  Galitzin  was  removed  from  his 
exalted  office  as  Minister  of  Ecclesiastical  Affairs  and  Public  Edu- 
cation, and  ordered  to  resign  the  presidency  of  the  Russian 
Bible  Society;  popularization  of  the  Bible  in  Russia  was  stopped; 
the  Society's  labors  were  throttled,  and  reactionary  fanatics  were 
given  full  sway.  A  number  of  the  foreign  religious  workers  were 
ousted  from  Russia.  Naturally  enough,  the  Israelite-Christian 
movement  also  died  a  natural  death  with  the  removal  of  Galitzin, 
and  its  other  sponsors,  and  the  liberal  attitude  of  the  Czar 
towards  Jewish  amelioration  changed.  It  is  thus  apparent  that  the 
position  cf  Alexander's  administration  towards  the  Jews  was 
governed  during  the  last  thirteen  years  of  his  reign  in  a  large 
degree  by  his  attitude  toward  the  Bible  Society  and  its  workers, 
and  it  must  be  considered  largely  in  this  respect." 

himself  the  satisfaction  of  resuming  in  Verona  the  relations  begun  in 
St.  Petersburg  regarding  Jewish  affairs.  Way  evidently  was  acting  in 
concert  with  other  advocates  of  Jewish  rights,  for  evidently  a  passage  in  a 
letter  written  by  Gentz  to  Pilat  from  Verona,  November  24,  1822,  Brlefe 
von  Gentz  an  Pilat,  supra,  vol.  ii,  p.  118,  referred  to  the  same  plan.  Gentz 
wrote :  "  Buchholz  has  selected  an  unfavorable  time.  Nothing  is  still 
more  uncertain  than  the  future  organization  of  our  representation,  nothing 
more  undecided  than  the  position  of  Handel.  Kress  is  In  no  position  to  give 
information  about  these  matters,  and  he  dares  not  even  discuss  them,  not 
with  the  Prince,  whom  he  fears  entirely  too  much  to  do  so,  not  with  Mtinster 
nor  me,  since  he  does  not  trust  us.  Anyway,  this  matter  does  not  belong  at 
Verona."  See  W.  Allison  Phillips,  "  The  Confederation  of  Europe,"  pp.  266- 
280,  regarding  the  Verona  Congress  in  general. 

11  See,  besides  the  works  above-cited,  Peter  von  Goetze,  Furst  Alexander 
N.  Galitzin  und  seine  Zeit,  Leipzig,  1882,  a  work  written  by  a  subordinate 
of  Galitzin  in  the  Foreign  Religions  Bureau  ;  A.  N.  Pypin,  Die  Geistiaen 
Bewegungen  in  Russland  in  der  ersten  Hdlfte  des  19.  Jahrhunderts:  I.  Die 
russische  GeseUschaft  unter  Alexander  I,  a  German  translation  of  the  second 
edition  of  a  classic  Russian  work,  which,  unfortunately,  Incorporates  by 
reference  only  In  notes  on  pp.  489,  622,  623,  some  more  specialized 
Russian  articles  by  the  same  author,  published  in  the  Russian  periodical, 
Vestnik  Evropy  as  follows :  "  The  Bible  Society  "  in  volume  for  1868,  Nos. 
8-9,  11-12 ;  "  Madame  de  Krlidener,"  1869,  August-September ;  "  Emperor 
Alexander  and  the  Quakers,"  October ;  "  Memoirs  of  the  Quaker  Grel.  de 
Mobi,  regarding  his  sojourn  in  Russia  1818-1819  "  in  Russk  Starina,  1874, 
vol.  ix,  pp.  1-36 ;  "  Correspondence  of  Galitzin  und  Photi."  vol.  xxxiil-v, 
1882 ;  "  Lobzln's  Expulsion,"  1875,  vol.  xi,  pp.  283-91  ;  N.  Tourgenieff, 
La  Rustic  et  leg  Russet,  3  vols.,  Paris,  1847 ;  J.  H.  Schnitzler,  "  Secret 
History  of  the  Court  and  Government  of  Russia  under  the  Emperors  Alex- 
ander and  Nicholas,"  London,  1847 ;  Theodor  von  Bernhardl,  Geschichte 
Russlands  und  der  europ&ischen  Politik  in  den  Jahren  18U-18S1;  Schliemano, 


90  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

Despite  his  mystical-religious  vein,  Alexander  I  was  repeatedly 
characterized  by  people  who  knew  him  well  as  liberal  and  toler- 
ant, and  the  complete  collapse  of  the  Jewish-Christian  conversion 
movement,  after  the  downfall  of  the  Bible  Society,  confirms  the 
view  that  he  promoted  this  project  solely  to  oblige  the  English 

Geschichtc  Russland-s  unter  Nicholas  I;  vol.  1  dealing  with  Alexander  I's 
reign  ;  Oeuvres  Completes  de  J.  De  Maistre,  Lyons.  1886.  vol.  viii,  pp.  336, 
341,  345  ;  Correspondence  Diplomatique  de  Joseph  de  Maistre  1811-17,  ed. 
by  Albert  Blanc,  2  vols.,  1860,  especially  vol.  ii,  pp.  362,  363,  see  pp.  57-62, 
117-122,  308-13 ;  Duke  Mikhallovich,  L'Empereur  Alexandre  I,  vol.  ii, 
p.  327  ;  Rev.  John  Owen,  "  History  of  the  Origin  and  First  Ten  Years  of  the 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society,"  3  vols.,  London,  1816  ;  Canton,  "  History 
of  the  British  &  Foreign.  Bible  Society,"  2  vols.,  1904 ;  M.  Philippson, 
Neueste  Oeschichte  des  judischen  Volkes,  vol.  i,  pp.  73-6,  135-7  and  the  bib- 
liography on  pp.  395,  396,  and  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia "  articles,  by 
the  late  Herman  Rosenthal,  on  Alexander  I,  Agricultural  Colonies  in  Russia, 
and  Russia,  and  their  bibliographies,  properly  described  as  "  excellent "  by 
Philippson.  It  should  also  be  observed  that  Madame  de  Kriidener,  who 
wielded  such  great  influence  over  Alexander  I  for  some  time,  had 
several  Jewish,  or  baptized  Jewish,  intimates,  including  (1)  the 
methodistische  Jude  Asch,  as  Rahel  Varnhagen  von  Ense  describes 
him  (which  does  not  necessarily  mean  that  he  was  converted,  in 
view  of  the  then  common  primary  meaning  of  the  term  methoddstisch, 
compare  A.  Asch,  Maimonides  Lebensgeschichte,  Berlin,  1816,  and  A.  Ber- 
liner, Zur  Familienname  Asch,  but  as  tending  to  the  contrary  see  Metternlch's 
Memoirs,  supra,  vol.  iii,  pp.  59,  60),  in  a  letter  to  her  husband,  in  which  she 
mentions  Madame  de  Krtidener  as  Asch's  patron.  Briefwechsel  zwischen 
Varnhagen  und  Rahel,  vol.  v,  p.  5,  September  17,  1815.  (2)  Joseph  Wolff, 
the  missionary ;  Eynard,  Vie  de  Mme.  de  Kriidener,  vol.  ii,  pp.  139-145  ; 
"  Travels  and  Adventures  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  Wolff,"  London,  1861,  pp.  35, 
36 ;  and  (3)  Ludwig  H.  Friedlaender.  See  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia  " 
biography.  Moreover,  Madame  de  Kriidener's  brother  was  an  active  director 
of  the  Russian  Bible  Society,  as  was  also  Count  de  Lieven,  the  Russian 
Ambassador  at  London,  who,  with  his  wife,  and  Prince  Galitzin.  was 
present  at  the  Aix-la-Chapelle  Conference  in  Alexander's  retinue,  as  were 
also  members  of  the  Baring  banking  firm,  whose  head,  Sir  John  Baring,  was 
then  president  of  Way's  London  Conversion  Society.  Also  present  were 
Thomas  Clarkson,  the  abolitionist,  sent  to  Alx-la-Chapelle  by  Wilberforce, 
to  aid  in  the  effort  to  prohibit  the  slave-trade  by  international  measures, 
and  who  had  an  interview  lasting  an  hour  and  a  half  there  with  Alexander, 
and  Sir  Thomas  Acland,  the  "  religious  Member  of  Parliament  and  inti- 
mate of  Wilberforce,"  whom  Miss  Way  refers  to.  See  also,  E.  Daudet, 
Autour  du  Congres  d'Aix-la-Chapelle,  in  Le  Correspondent*,  vol.  ccxxviii,  pp. 
38-60  (1907)  ;  "  Life  of  Wilberforce,"  supra,  vol.  v,  pp.  1-4  ;  "  Life  of  Bishop 
Samuel  Wilberforce,"  by  A.  R.  Ashwell,  vol.  i,  pp.  4,  5,  6,  65,  85,  116,  158, 
212  ;  "  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,"  vol.  i,  Acland  ;  Sweet,  "  Life  of 
Sir  Henry  Hoare."  Knutsford's  "  Life  and  Letters  of  Zachary  Macaulay," 
London,  1900,  pp.  345-6 ;  "  Supplementary  Despatches  of  the  Duke  of  Well- 
ington," vol.  xii,  pp.  673,  760-1. 

Robert  Owen,  the  Socialist,  also  was  present  in  the  interest  of  his  propa- 
ganda, and,  curiously  enough,  he  was  armed  with  a  letter  of  introduction 
from  "  his  friend  Nathan  Rothschild,"  to  von  Bethmann,  at  whose  house 
in  Frankfort  Alexander  I  again  stopped  on  his  way  to  the  Conference,  and 
who  showed  Owen  many  attentions.  Bethmann,  it  will  be  remembered,  is 
elsewhere  referred  to,  supra,  p.  59.  See  also,  R.  Owen,  "  Life  of  Robert 
Owen,"  London,  1857,  vol.  i,  pp.  182-6,  190  ;  vol.  ia,  pp.  212-22. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     91 

missionaries  in  question.12  Early  in  his  reign,  he  manifested  his 
naturally  liberal  disposition,  by  conferring  enlarged  rights  and 
privileges  upon  the  Jews."  When  he  came  more  under  reaction- 
ary influences,  however,  restrictive  legislation  affecting  the  Jews 
was  imminent,"  but  the  Bible  Society  influences  induced  him  to 
call  a  halt  on  such  measures,  and  to  promote  a  programme  of 
enlarged  rights  and  broader  general  education  for  the  Jews.  These 
influences  were  strengthened  by  Alexander's  appreciation  of 
Jewish  patriotism  in  the  War  of  1812  against  Napoleon."  The 
statement  of  the  missionary,  Rev.  John  Paterson,  at  the  London 
Society  meeting  of  May  9,  1817,18  that 

Emperor  Alexander  had  been  particularly  Interested  in  their  [the  Jews'] 
favor  from  their  fidelity  to  him  in  the  time  of  the  French  invasion 

is  confirmed  by  Jewish  sources  to  the  effect  that  the  Czar  issued  a 
manifesto,  expressing  this  appreciation.17 

These  incidents  certainly  manifested  the  Czar's  deep  interest  in 
the  education  of  his  Jewish  subjects,  and,  as  seen,  he  was  deeply 
concerned  in  educational  programmes  for  all  his  subjects.  He  went 
further  and  afforded  to  the  Jews  free  access  to  the  public  schools 
and  universities  of  his  empire,  such  as  they  were,  and  directed 
that  in  Jewish  schools,  maintained  by  the  community,  Russian, 
Polish,  or  German  should  be  taught.18  Unfortunately,  plans  of  this 
kind  emanating  from  Christian  missionaries,  engaged  in  prosely- 
tizing work  among  the  Jews,  were  bound  to  create  antagonism  in- 

"  See  The  Jewish  Expositor,  1818,  pp.  239-41,  272. 

13  "  A  History  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and  Poland,"  Dubnow,  vol.  i,  p.  335 
ct  seq. 

14  Ibid.,  p.  341  et  seq. 

« /bid.,  p.  355  et  seq.  See  also,  David  Philipson,  "  Max  Lilienthal," 
New  York,  1915,  pp.  172-3 ;  S.  M.  Glnsburg,  Der  vatertUndische  Krieg  181X 
und  die  Juden,  Petrograd,  1912,  cited  by  L.  Scheinhaus,  Die  Wohltaten  des 
Houses  Romanov,  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol.  Ixxix,  pp. 
331-3  (1915). 

M  The  Jewish  Expositor,  1817,  p.  228. 

1T  L.  Scheinhaus.  Die  Oeschichte  der  russischen  Juden  im  19.  Jahrhundert, 
Berlin,  1901,  pp.  16-17,  citing  Dr.  Mandelkern's  (Hebrew)  Oeschichte  Russ- 
lands,  vol.  Ill,  pp.  32-4 ;  Raisin,  "  The  Haskalah  Movement,"  pp.  117,  128, 
166.  Scheinhaus  also  makes  a  statement,  found  as  well  in  substance  In 
Herman  Rosenthal's  article  on  Alexander  I  in  "  The  Jewish  Encyclopedia," 
Graetz's  history,  and  M.  Phillppson's  work,  vol.  1,  pp.  135,  136,  to  the  effect 
that  Alexander  stated  that  "  if,  through  his  efforts  to  ameliorate  the 
condition  of  the  Jews,  he  would  succeed  in  bringing  forth  only  a  single 
Mendelssohn  among  his  subjects,  he  would  feel  amply  compensated."  In 
the  biography  of  Josef  Perl  contained  in  M.  Ehrenthell's  Jtidische  Char- 
acterbilder,  Pesth,  1867,  at  p.  89,  reference  is  made  to  the  fact  that  the 
Czar  Alexander  I  presented  a  gold  medal  to  Perl  about  1816  In  appreciation 
of  his  services  In  establishing  an  elementary  Jewish  school  at  Tarnopol. 

18  Dubnow,  supra,  vol.  1,  pp.  344-5.     See  also,  supra,  pp.  54,  55,  87. 

7 


92  American  Jewish  Historical  Society. 

stead  of  cooperation  among  a  people  who,  for  centuries,  cheerfully 
accepted  martyrdom  on  account  of  their  religion."  The  combination 
in  one  ministry,  under  Galitzin,  of  the  departments  of  ecclesiasti- 
cal affairs  and  public  education  was  unwise,  to  say  nothing  of 
Galitzin's  unfortunate  personal  participation  in  conversionist 
propaganda.  In  consequence,  such  well-laid  Jewish  educational 
plans  as  David  Friedlander  prepared  at  governmental  instance  in 
1816,20  subsequently,  in  1819,  published  under  the  title,  Uelter  die 
Verbesserung  der  Israelites,  im  Konigreich  Pohlen,  were  received 
with  suspicion,  instead  of  favor,  by  the  majority  of  the  Jews  of  Rus- 
sia and  Poland.  In  the  present  paper  further  evidence  is  collated 
of  Alexander's  course  in  promoting  Jewish  emancipation  in  the 
matter  of  addressing  official  communications  on  behalf  of  the 
Jews,  through  Nesselrode,  to  the  municipality  of  Hamburg  prior 
to  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  and  thereafter  to  that  of  Frankfort, 
in  conjunction  with  Austria,  Prussia  and  England,  in  order  to 
secure  to  the  Jews  the  enlarged  rights  accorded  them  at  the 
Vienna  Congress  (pp.  37,  45-6).  Alexander  and  some  of  his  minis- 
ters had,  therefore,  apparently  interested  themselves  in  such  in- 
ternational representations  before  Way  evolved  his  Aix-la-Chapelle 
plan.  Unfortunately,  as  we  have  seen,  Alexander's  entire  attitude 
towards  "  foreign  religions,"  including  the  Jewish,  changed  after- 
wards and  caused  the  downfall  of  Galitzin  and  the  Bible  Society.21 
Independent  confirmation  of  Way's  relations  to  Alexander  I  is 
furnished  by  an  official  despatch,  sent  by  Lord  Cathcart,  British 
Ambassador  at  St.  Petersburg,  to  Viscount  Castlereagh  under  date 
of  July  30,  (August  11.)  1818,  in  which  it  was  said: 

Alexander  is  devout  and  reads  some  chapters  In  the  Bible  every  day.  He 
Is  Indefatigable  in  printing  and  publishing  the  Sacred  Writings  through  his 
dominions  in  every  language,  and  accompanied  by  the  plainest  and  most 

l»  In  J.  S.  Raisin's  "  The  Haskalah  Movement,"  pp.  118,  124-7,  some 
additional  interesting  facts  are  collated  regarding  the  effect  of  Alexander's 
educational  reforms  among  the  Jews.  Dr.  Raisin,  pp.  120-130,  erroneously 
contends  that  Way  was  responsible  for  Alexander's  Israelite-Christian  con- 
cessions of  March  25th,  1817,  which  were  in  fact  promulgated  some  months 
before  Way's  mission  to  Russia  began.  As  applied  to  the  proposed  Crimean 
colony  the  statement  may  be  true,  however.  In  a  biography  of  Way  in  The 
Everlasting  Nation,  vol.  i,  pp.  145-151,  at  p.  149  it  was  stated :  "  The  Czar 
gave  him  [Way]  a  letter  for  Solomon,  the  first  Russian  missionary  to  the 
Jews,  giving  him  full  freedom  of  action,  a  thing  which,  as  the  Czar  himself 
said,  had  never  before  been  done  by  any  Ruler,  since  the  letter  King  Artax- 
erxes  sent  by  Nehemiah  to  the  Governors  beyond  the  Euphrates."  Nehemiah, 
ii,  7-9. 

20  See  Dr.  M.  Wischnitzer,  Drei  Brief e  David  Friedl&nders  an  den  Erzbi- 
achof  von  Warachau,  reprinted  in  Allgemeine  Zeitung  des  Judentums,  vol. 
Jxxii,  pp.  353,  354. 

11  Dubnow,  supra. 


Jewish  Rights  at  Vienna  and  Aix-La-Chapelle — Kohler.     93 

useful  tracts  and  guides  for  reading  them  he  can  find  in  our  language.  He 
protects  the  missionaries  and  is  easy  of  access  on  these  subjects.  He  had 
two  long  conferences  with  Mr.  Way  and  approved  much  of  him,  without, 
however,  being  equally  sanguine  in  his  expectation  of  converting  the  Jews. 
His  Imperial  Majesty  respects  the  endeavor  and  Is  disposed  to  support  it 
and  to  make  provision  for  converts.*1 

Prince  Metternich,  who  wielded  great  influence  over  Alexander, 
especially  during  the  last  ten  years  of  his  life,  in  his  "  Memoirs  " 
published  an  interesting  character  study  of  Alexander,"  and  also 
wrote  an  account  of  the  Bible  Societies  and  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander.24 He  concludes  his  account  of  Alexander's  life  as  follows :  M 

The  Emperor  Alexander  died  of  weariness  of  life.  Seeing  himself 
deceived  in  all  his  calculations,  under  the  necessity  of  himself  striking  at  a 
class  of  his  own  subjects  who  had  been  led  astray  and  instigated  by  men 
and  principles  whom  he  himself  had  long  supported,  his  heart  broke,  and 
the  events  which  clouded  the  accession  of  his  successor,  remained  a  proof 
of  the  troubles  which  embittered  the  last  moments  of  Alexander. 

a  "  Supplementary  Despatches  of  the  Duke  of  Wellington,"  London,  1865, 
vol.  xil,  p.  673. 

*»  Vol.  i,  pp.  314-34. 

*  Vol.  Hi,  pp.  62-70,  Sections  239-41. 

«"P.  332, 


INDEX. 


"  Abhandlungen     und     Aktenstiicke 

zur  Geschlchte  der  preussischen 

Reformzeit"  (Stern),  ref.  to  10 

(note),  38  (note),  70  (note). 
Acland,  Rev.  P.  L.  D.,  88. 
Acland,  Sir  Thomas,  88,  90   (note). 
"Acten     des     Wiener     Congresses " 

(Kliiber),  alluded  to,  1. 
ref.  to,  30  (note). 
Africa,  project  to  colonize  Jews  on 

North  Coast  of,  38. 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  Congress  of,  iii,  45 

(note). 
Jewish   rights  at,   50-61,   87,    88, 

90  (note). 
"  Aktenmassige     Darstellung     der 

Biirgerrechte  der  Israeliten  zu 

Frankfurt,"  ref.  to,  37   (note), 

43   (note), 
alluded  to,  44. 
Alexander  I,  of  Russia,  6,  37,  53,  59 

(note),  87,  89,  93. 
influence  of  English  missionaries 

on   treatment  of  Jews  by,   50, 

84,  86,  88,  90,  91,  92. 
"  Alexander  von  Humboldt  und  das 

Judenthum  "    (Kohut),  alluded 

to,  20  (note),  64. 
ref.  to,  15  (note),  67  (note). 
Allen,  William,  85. 
"  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Biographic," 

ref.  to,  59  (note). 
"  Allgemeine     Zeitung    des     Juden- 

turns,"    ref.    to,    9    (note),    10 

(note),   15    (note),   17    (note), 

38  (note),  42  (note),  44  (note), 

48  (note),  64  (note),  91  (note), 

92  (note). 

American  Jewish  Committee,  iii. 
American  Jewish  Historical  Society, 

iii. 
American  Jewish  Historical  Society 

"  Publications,"     ref.     to,     46 

(note). 
"  American  Jewish  Year  Book,"  ref. 

to,  4  (note). 


Arneth,  work  by,  cited,  8  (note). 
Arnstein    family    of    Vienna,    5,    10 

(note),  68. 
Arnstein,  Fanny  von,  6,  10  (note), 

19,  20,  34. 

Arnstein,  Baron  Nathan  von,  19,  20. 
Asch,  90  (note). 
Asch,  A.,  alluded  to,  90  (note). 
Ashwell,  A.  R.,  ref.  to  work  by,  90 

(note). 
Asser,  Carl,  42  (note). 

work  by,  41-42. 
"  Aus    Chamisso's    Friihzeit "    (Gei- 

ger),  alluded  to,  69  (note). 
"  Aus  dem  Nachlass  Friedrichs  von 

Gentz,"  ref.  to,  60  (note). 
"  Aus  dem  Nachlass  Varnhagen  von 

Ense's  . . . ,"  ref.  to,  20  (note), 

69  (note). 

alluded  to,  65  (note). 
4i  Aus   der  Geschichte   der  deutsch- 

isr.     Gemeinde     in     Hamburg " 

(Haarbleicher),     ref.     to,     58 

(note). 
"  Aus  Karl  von  Nostiszs  Leben  und 

Briefwechsel,"      ref.      to,      17 

(note). 

"  Aus  Wilhelm  von  Hnmboldt's  Stu- 
dent jahren  "    (Schwenke),    ref. 

to,  66  (note). 
Austria  and  Jewish  emancipation,  3, 

7,    22,    24,    45,    46,   47    (note), 

49    (note),   50,   51,    57,   59,   60 

(note),  92. 

and  religious  liberty  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  38  (note), 
report  on  the  status  of  the  Jews 

in,  61-62. 
"  Autour  du   Congres   d'Aix-la-Cha- 

pelle"     (Daudet),    ref.    to,    90 

(note). 

Badt.  Bertha,  work  by,  alluded  to, 

20  (note). 
Bail,  M.,  55. 

work  by,  alluded  to,  56. 

95 


96 


Index. 


Baring,  Sir  John,  90  (note), 
ref.  to  work  by,  52  (note). 
"  Barthold  Dowe  Burmania  und  die 

Vertreibung     der     Juden     aua 

Bohmen  und  Mahren "    (Kauf- 

mann),  ref.  to,  46  (note). 
Bartholdy  family,  68. 
Bartholdy,      Jacob      Salomon,      10 

(note). 
Baruch,  Jacob,  4,  5,  13,  14,  15,  29, 

34,  45  and   (note),  59   (note), 

60   (note). 
Bavaria,  23   (note),  24. 

and  Jewish  emancipation,  3,  7,  27, 

28. 

Beckheim,  Baron,  45  (note). 
Beer,  friend  of  Wilhelm  von  Hum- 

boldt,  66. 
Belgium,  religious  liberty  in,  and  the 

Congress  of  Vienna,  38,  40,  41 

and  (note). 
Bender,    work    by,    alluded    to,    48 

(note). 

"  Beobachter,"  quoted,  48-49. 
Berdrow,   work  by,   alluded   to,  19, 

69  (note). 
Berkhelm,  57. 
Berlin,  5,  38,  54,  88. 
Berlin,  Congress  of,  HI. 
Berliner,   A.,   work   by,   alluded  to, 

90  (note). 
Bernhardi,   Theodor  von,   work  by, 

alluded  to,  89  (note). 
Bernstorff,  50,  57   (note). 
Bernstorff,  Countess,  20. 
Bernstorffs,  the,  25. 
Berr,  Michel,  4  (note),  5  (note),  52. 
Berstett,  57  (note). 
Bethmann,  Moritz  von,  45    (note), 

59  (note),  90  (note). 
"Bible  Society,  The"   (Pypin),  ref. 

to,  89   (note). 

"Bible    Society    Reports    with   Ap- 
pendices," alluded  to,  85  (note), 
quoted,  86  (note). 
"  Biblical  Researches  and  Travels  in 

Russia"    (Henderson),  ref.  to, 

85  (note). 
"  Bibliographiscb.es       Lezikon" 

(Wurzbach),  ref.  to,  20  (note). 
"Bibliotheca  Judalca  "   (Ftirst),  al- 
luded to,  51  (note). 


Blanc,  Alfred,  ref.  to  work  by,  90 

(note). 

Bleyer,  ref.  to  work  by,  44  (note). 
Bloch,  Moses,  15. 
"  Boerne "    (Gutzkow),    ref.    to,    44 

(note). 
Boerne,   Ludwig,  4,   14,   15,  44,   45 

and  (note),  68. 
Bohemia,  46  (note). 
"  Book,  The,  for  Every  Land  "  (Pat- 

erson),  alluded  to,  85  (note). 
Borgo,  Pozzo  di,  19. 
Bossuet,  alluded  to,  69. 
Boulger,  ref.  to  work  by,  40  (note). 
Bremen,    Jewish    emancipation    in, 

3,  9,  10  (note),  11,  12,  16,  25, 

27,  28,  29,  32. 
See  also  Hanseatic  towns. 
Bresselau,  Notary,  16,  58. 
"  Briefe    an    und    von    Gustav   von 

Brinkmann,"  ref.  to,  20  (note). 
"  Briefe  von  Chamisso,"  ref.  to,  33 

(note). 
"  Briefe  von  Dorothea  und  Wilhelm 

Schlegel  an  die  Familie  Paulus  " 

(Unger),  alluded  to,  18  (note). 
"  Briefe  von  Gentz  an  Pilat,"  quoted, 

44  (note),  49  (note),  89  (note). 
ref.  to,  56  (note). 
"  Briefe    von    Henriette    Herz    an 

Twesten "    (Heinrici),    ref.    to, 

20  (note). 
"  Briefe  von  Stagemann,  Metternich, 

Heine  und  Bettina  von  Arnim," 

alluded  to,  69   (note), 
quoted,  70  (note) -71  (note). 
"  Briefe  von  und  an  Friedrich  von 

Gentz"  (Wittichen),  ref.  to,  67 

(note). 
"  Briefe  von  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt 

an  Georg  H.  L.  Nicolovius,"  ref. 

to,  66  (note). 
"  Briefe  von  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt 

an  elne  Freundln,"  ref.  to,  68 

(note). 
"  Briefwechsel  mit  Mtiller,"  ref.  to, 

60  (note). 
"  Briefwechsel  zwlschen  Jacob  und 

Wilhelm  Grimm  "   (Grimm  and 

Henrichs)  alluded  to, 69  (note). 


Index. 


97 


"  Briefwechsel     zwischen     Karoline 

von  Humboldt,  Rahel  und  Varn- 

hagen,"  alluded  to,  65   (note), 

69   (note). 
"  Briefwechsel  zwlschen  Rahel  und 

David    Veit,"    alluded    to,    68 

(note). 
"  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Varnhagen 

und  Rahel,"  ref.  to,  42  (note), 

69  (note),  90  (note). 
"  Briefwechsel  zwischen  Varnhagen 

von    Ense    und    Oelsner    nebst 

Briefen  von  Rahel,"  alluded  to, 

48  (note). 

Brinkmann,  Gustav  von,  20. 
British  and  Foreign  Bible  Society, 

84. 

"  British    Museum    Catalogue,"    al- 
luded to,   86    (note). 
Broglie,     Maurice     de,     Bishop     of 

Ghent,  39,  40. 
Broyde",  I.,  ref.  to,  5   (note). 
Bruhns,  ref.  to  work  by,  67,  68. 
Brunswick  intervenes  In  behalf  of 

Jews  of  Bohemia,  46  (note). 
Brussels,  53. 
Buchholz,  Carl  August,  5,  8  (note), 

11,   12    (note),   15,   16,  30,  45 

(note),   52,    58,   59    (note)    60 

(note),  63,  89  (note), 
work  by,  on  the  emancipation  of 

the  Jews,  16-17. 

Buol,  Count,  45  (note),  60  (note). 
"  Biirgermeister  J  o  h  a  n  n   Smidt  " 

(Schulze-Smidt),     alluded     to, 

21   (note). 
Burmania,     Barthold     D  o  w  e  ,     46 

(note). 

Canton,    work    by,    alluded    to,    85 

(note),  90   (note). 
"  Cambridge  Modern  History,"  ref. 

to,  5,  40  (note). 

Capodistrias,  Count,  19,  20,  50,  85. 
Carlebach,  Dr.  S.,  ref.  to  work  by, 

10  (note),  13  (note),  15,  16,  21, 

30  (note),  32,  52  (note). 
Carlsbad    Conference   of    1819    and 

Jewish    emancipation,    57    and 

(note). 
Castlereagh,  Viscount,  6,  18,  40,  50, 

92. 


on  Jewish  emancipation  In   Ger- 
many, 47. 

Cathcart,  Earl,  on  relations  of 
Lewis  Way  with  Alexander  I, 
of  Russia,  92-93. 

Chamisso,  Adelbert  von,  65  (note), 
69  (note). 

"  Christian  Wilhelm  Dohms  '  Ueber 
die  biirgerllche  Verbesserung 
der  Juden  '  "  (Reuss),  alluded 
to,  51  (note). 

Clancarty,  Earl  of,  7,  18,  40,  47. 

Clarkson,  Thomas,  90  (note). 

"  Confederation    of    Europe,    The " 

(Phillips),  alluded  to,  50. 
ref.  to,  89  (note). 

"  Congres  de  Vlenne,  La  "  (d'Ange- 
berg),  ref.  to,  27  (note). 

Consalvl,  Cardinal,  19,  20. 

•"  Correspondence  Diplomatique  de 
Joseph  de  Malstre,"  ref.  to,  90 
(note). 

"  Correspondent,  La,"  ref.  to,  90 
(note). 

"  Correspondence,     Dispatches    and 
Other  Papers  of  Viscount  Cas- 
tlereagh," ref.  to,  40-41. 
quoted,  47. 

"  Correspondence  of  Galitzin  and 
Photi,"  ref.  to,  89  (note). 

Cox,  Rev.  R.,  85,  86  (note). 

Crimea,  86,  88,  92. 

Czernitscheff,  General,  18. 


DacherSden,  Caroline  von.   Bee  Hum- 
boldt, Caroline  DacherSden  von. 

Dalberg,  [E.  J.,  duke  of,]  7. 

Dalberg,  Archduke  Karl  von,  3,  29, 
59  (note). 

d'Angeberg,    ref.    to    work    by,    27 
(note),  39  (note). 

Danz,  Syndic,  5,  21,  26. 

Darmstadt    and    Jewish    emancipa- 
tion, 34. 

Daudet,    E.,    ref.    to    work    by,    90 
(note). 

de  le  Roi,  J.  F.  A.,  ref.  to  work  by, 
52  (note). 

Delitzsch,  Franz,  88. 

ref.  to  work  by,  52  (note). 


98 


Index. 


"  Denkwiirdigkeiten  "    (Varnhagen), 

ref.  to,  15,  19  (note),  42  (note), 

44    (note). 
Denmark,  25. 
Deutsch,  Prof.  Gotthard,  alluded  to, 

4  (note). 
"  Deutsche  Hand-  und  Haus-Biblio- 

thek — Collection  Spemann,"  ref. 

to,  68   (note). 
"  Deutsche  Rundschau,"  ref.  to,  18 

(note),  66  (note). 
"  Dlchter    und    Frauen"     (Gelger), 

ref.  to,  18  (note). 

"  Dictionary      of     National      Biog- 
raphy," ref.  to,  85,  90  (note). 
Dohm,    Christian    Wilhelm,    51,    52 

(note),  53,  64,  71  (note), 
works  by,   alluded  to,  9,   16,   51 

(note),  63,  70. 
work  by,  on  Jewish  emancipation 

presented   at   the    Congress   of 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  51,  53 ;  quoted, 

56. 
"  Dorothea    v.    Schlegel   und    deren 

Sohne,     Johannes     u.     Fhilipp 

Veit"    (Raich),  alluded  to,   18 

(note). 
"  Drei  Briefe  David  FriedlSnders  an 

den  Erzbischof  von  Warscb.au  " 

(Wischnitzer),      ref.      to,      92 

(note). 
"  Drei    neue    Biicher    (iber     Rahel 

Levin"    (Ebstein),   ref.   to,   20 

(note). 
Dubnow,  S.  M.,  ref.  to  work  by,  52 

(note),   86    (note),   91    (note), 

92  (note). 


Ebstein,  ref.  to  work  by,  20  (note). 
Ehrentheil,  M.,  ref.  to  work  by,  91 

(note). 
"  Eleventh    Report    of   the    London 

Conversion  Society,"  ref.  to,  87 

(note). 
Emancipation,  Jewish,  and  Wilhelm 

von    Humboldt,    33-34,    35,    63, 

64,  69,  70,  71-83. 
and  Lewis  Way,  50,  51,  52,  53,  54, 

55,  56,  59,  61. 
See  also  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Congress 

of ;  Vienna,  Congress  of. 


"  Emanzipation  der  Juden  in  Preus- 

sen "      (Freund),     ref.     to,     9 

(note),  15  (note),  70  (note). 
"  Empereur  Alexander  I,  L'  "   (Mik- 

hailovich),  ref.  to,  90  (note). 
"  Emperor     Alexander     and     the 

Quakers"    (Pypin),  ref.  to,  89 

(note). 

Empeytaz,  Swiss  evangelist,  88. 
•"  Encyclopedia  Britannica,"  ref.  to, 

17  (note). 
England,  3,  41,  49  (note),  84. 

and  Jewish  emancipation,  3,  38, 

45,  46,  47,  48,  92. 
intervenes  in  behalf  of  Jews  of 

Bohemia,  46   (note). 
"  Entre"e,  L',  des  Israelites  dans  la 

societe    frangais    et    les    etats 

Chretiens"     (Lemann),  alluded 

to,  41  (note). 
Ephraim,  Madame,  6,  20. 
Erb,    Frederick    W.,    alluded    to,    4 

(note). 
Eskeles,  Cecilie  von,  6,  10    (note), 

19,  60  (note). 
Eskeles  family,  5,  68. 
"  Euphorion,"  ref.  to,  69  (note). 
"  Evangelische     Christenheit,     Die, 

und  die  Juden  "  (de  le  Roi),  ref. 

to,  52  (note). 
"  Everlasting  Nation,  The,"  ref.  to, 

52  (note), 
quoted,  92  (note). 
"  Extracts    of    Letters    from    Rev. 

Robert  Pinkerton,"  alluded  to, 

85  (note). 
Eybenburg,      Mariane     von      (n6e 

Meyer),  19. 
Eynard,  ref.  to  work  by,  90  (note). 


"  Familie  Mendelssohn,  Die"  (Hen- 
sel),  alluded  to,  18  (note). 

'•  Feldziige  Napoleons,  Die  "  (Grun- 
wald),  alluded  to,  20  (note). 

"  Festschrift  zur  Jahrhundertfeier 
der  Realschule  der  israelit- 
ischen  Gemeinde  (Phllanthro- 
pin),  zu  Frankfurt-am-Main, 
1804-1904,"  alluded  to,  48 
(note). 


Index. 


99 


Fournier,  A.,  work  by,  alluded  to, 
8  (note)  ;  ref.  to,  13  (note), 
18,  20  (note). 

France,  50,  68. 

and  Jewish  emancipation,  3,  5 
(note),  41,  58. 

Francis  I,  Emperor,  60  (note). 

Frank,  work  by,  alluded  to,  41 
(note). 

Frank,  Dr.,  87  (note). 

Frankel,  ref.  to  work  by,  51  (note). 

Frankfort-on-the-Maln,    23     (note), 

36,  54,  90  (note). 
Jewish  emancipation  In,  3,  4,  5, 
11,  13,  14,  15,  21,  22,  23,  25, 
27,  28,  29,  30,  34,  37,  42,  43, 
44,  45  (note),  46,  47  (note),  48, 
49  (note),  50,  56,  57,  59  (note), 
60  (note),  92. 

Diet  at,  and  the  Jewish  question, 
23,  24,  25,  27,  28,  30,  31,  32,  34, 
36,  43,  44,  45  (note),  46,  47, 
48,  49,  56,  57. 

Freidus,  A.  S.,  alluded  to,  4  (note). 

French  Revolution,  3. 

"  French  Revolution,  The,  and  Re- 
ligious Reform"  (Sloane),  ref. 
to,  41  (note). 

Freund,  ref.  to  work  by,  9  (note), 
11  (note),  15  (note),  38  (note), 
70  (note),  73  (note),  78  (note). 

Friedenberg,  Albert  M.,  alluded  to, 
4  (note),  42  (note). 

Friedlaender,  Ludwig  H.,  90  (note). 

FriedlSnder,  Benoni,  67. 

Friedlander,   David,  10    (note),  15, 

16,  66,  67. 

work  by,  cited,  42  (note)  ;  alluded 
to,  92. 

"  Friedrich  Schlegel  am  Bundestag 
in  Frankfurt  "  (Bleyer),  ref.  to, 
44  (note). 

"  Friedrich  von  Gentz  und  die 
Juden "  (Gelger),  ref.  to,  48 
(note). 

"  Friiheren  und  gegenwartigen  Ver- 
haltnisse  der  Juden  des  preus- 
sischen  Staates "  (Von  Ronne 
and  Simon),  ref.  to,  4  (note). 

Fiirst,  work  by,  ref.  to,  18  (note), 
66  (note),  68  (note)  ;  alluded 
to,  51  (note). 


"  Furst  Alexander  N.  Galitzln  und 
seine  Zelt "  (von  Goetze) ,  al- 
luded to,  89  (note). 

Galicia,  62. 

"Gabriel  Riesser "  (Isler),  ref.  to, 
16  (note). 

Gagern,  von,  work  by,  alluded  to,  6 ; 
ref.  to,  10  (note). 

Galltzin,  Prince  [Alexander  N.],  84, 
86,  87,  89,  90  (note),  92. 

Gebhardt,  Bruno,  work  by,  ref.  to, 
9  (note),  71  (note)  ;  alluded  to, 
71  (note). 

"  Geheimpolizel,  Die,  auf.  d  e  m 
Wiener  Kongress  "  (Fournier), 
ref.  to,  13. 

Gelger,  Ludwig,  works  by,  ref.  to, 
9  (note),  10  (note),  14  (note), 
15  (note),  17  (note),  18  (note), 
19  (note),  42  (note),  44  (note), 
45  (note),  48  (note),  64,  68 
(note)  ;  alluded  to,  15  (note), 
38  (note),  69  (note). 

"  Geistigen  Bewegungen,  Die,  In 
Russia  nd  in  der  ersten  H&Ifte 
des  19.  Jahrhunderts  .  .  .  .  " 
(Pypln),  ref.  to,  89  (note). 

Gentz,  Friedrich  von,  5,  7,  16,  17, 

18,   19,   20,   29,   34,  44    (note), 

45    (note),    48,    60    (note),    67 

(note),  69,  71,  89  (note). 

diary  of,   ref.   to,   16    (note),   17 

(note),   33    (note),  45    (note), 

57     (note)  ;     alluded     to,     48 

(note)  ;  quoted,  28,  59  (note), 

60  (note). 

on      Jewish      emancipation,      49 

(note). 

on  the  Jewish  question  at  the 
Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  56- 
57. 

on  the  Jewish  question  at  the 
Carlsbad  Conference,  57. 

"  Gentz  und  Wessenberg  "  (Arneth), 
alluded  to,  8  (note). 

George,  Crown  Prince  of  Mecklen- 
burg-Strelltz,  34. 

Germany,  2,  37,  68. 

and  Jewish  emancipation,  3,  11, 
15,  18-19,  21-22,  24,  25,  27-28, 


100 


Index. 


30-32,  33,  35,  36,  47,  49,  51,  52, 

58,  63,  70. 
Bee    also    individual    cities    and 

states  of  Germany. 
"  Gesammelte      Schriften "      (Hum- 

boldt),    ref.    to,    9    (note),    36 

(note). 
"  Gesammelte     Schriften "      (Kauf- 

mann),  ref.  to,  46  (note). 
"  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Bundes- 

versammlung "    (Use),    alluded 

to,  45  (note), 
ref.  to,  48  (note). 
"  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Verfas- 

sungsf rage  "  (Schmidt),  ref.  to, 

7  (note),  37  (note). 
"  Geschichte      der      evangellschen 

Juden-Mlsslon "     (de    le    Rol), 

ref.  to,  52  (note). 
•"  Geschichte  der  Freien  Stadt  Frank- 
furt "    ( Schwemer) ,   ref.   to,   9 

(note). 
"  Geschichte   der  Juden   in   Liibeck 

und     Moisling "      (Carlebach), 

ref.  to,  10  (note),  15. 
"  Geschichte   der   Juden   in   Wlen " 

(Wolf),  ref.  to,  17   (note),  60 

(note). 

"  Geschichte    der    jiidischen    Refor- 
mation "    (Ritter),   ref.  to,    15 

(note). 
"  Geschichte,    Die,    der    russlschen 

Juden    im     19.    Jahrhundert " 

(Steinhaus),  ref.  to,  91  (note). 
"  Geschichte      des      jiid.      Volkes " 

(Graetz),  ref.  to,  29   (note). 
"  Geschichte      des      westfalischen 

Friedens"    (Flitter),  ref.  to,  4 

(note). 
"  Geschichte     Europas     seit     den 

Vertragen  von  1815"   (Stern), 

ref.  to,   48    (note),   53    (note), 

60. 
"  Geschichte    Russlands  "    (Mandel- 

kern),  ref.  to,  91  (note). 
"  Geschichte     Russlands     und     der 

europaischen     Politik     in     den 

Jahren    1814-1831"     (Bern- 

hardl),  alluded  to,  89  (note). 
"  Geschichte      Russlands      u  n  t  e  r 

Nicholas  I"    (Schliemann),  al- 
luded to,  90  (note). 


Geymuller,  of  Vienna,  20. 

Ginsburg,  M.,  work  by,  alluded  to, 
91  (note). 

Goethe,  [Wolfgang,  A.],  alluded  to, 
19. 

"  Goethe,  Bettina  und  die  Frank- 
furter Juden  "  (Geiger),  ref.  to, 
48  (note). 

•"Goethe  und  die  Juden"  (Geiger), 
ref.  to,  48  (note). 

Goetze,  Peter  von,  work  by,  alluded 
to,  89  (note). 

Goldschmidt,  Frledrlch  and  Paul, 
work  by,  alluded  to,  65  (note). 

Goltz,  Count,  45  (note). 

Gotha  and  Jewish  emancipation,  25. 

Graetz,  H.,  work  by,  alluded  to,  1, 
48  (note),  91  (note)  ;  ref.  to, 
29,  41  (note),  44  (note),  49 
(note),  52  (note),  58  (note). 

Grant,  Robert,  49  (note). 

Grggoire,  Mgr.,  bishop  of  Blois,  55. 

Grimm,  Hermann,  and  G.  Henrichs, 
work  by,  alluded  to,  69  (note), 

Gronau,  ref.  to  work  by,  51  (note). 

Grote,  Count  de,  30. 

See  also  Grothe,  Count  de. 

Grothe,  Count  de,  11,  12. 
See  also  Grote,  Count  de. 

Grotthus,  Sara  von  (ne'e  Meyer),  19. 

Grunwald,  [M.],  works  by,  alluded 
to,  20  (note). 

Gumprecht,  J.  J.,  4,  14. 

Gutzkow,  work  by,  alluded  to,  14. 
ref.  to,  44  (note). 


Haarblelcher,  M.  M.,  ref.  to  works 
by,  16  (note),  37  (note),  58 
(note). 

Hahn,  work  by,  alluded  to,  20 
(note) . 

Hamburg,  Jewish  emancipation  in, 
3,  10  (note),  11,  12,  16,  29,  92. 
See  also  Hanseatic  towns. 

Hamel,  Joseph,  85. 

Handel,  89  (note). 

Hanover  and  Jewish  emancipation, 
7,  8,  24,  57. 

Hanseatic  towns,  Jewish  emancipa- 
tion in,  5,  13  (note),  15,  30,  31, 
34,  37  (note),  50. 


Index. 


101 


See  also  Bremen  ;  Hamburg  ;  Lti- 
beck. 

Harden,  Ralph,  work  by,  alluded  to, 
52  (note). 

Hardenberg,  Count,  7,  8. 

Hardenberg,  Prince,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9,  10, 
11,   14,   19,  20,  21,  28,   30,  32, 
33,  35,  36,  37,  43,  44,  46  (note), 
47,  49  (note),  50  (note),  56,  59, 
60,  63,  64,  69,  70. 
on  Jewish  emancipation  in  Prus- 
sia, 11,  12. 
on  Jewish  emancipation  in  Frank- 

fort-on-the-Main,  13. 
on  Jewish  emancipation  in  Ger- 
many, 30-32. 
on  patriotism  of  German  Jews,  43. 

"  Haskalah  Movement,  The " 
(Raisin),  ref.  to,  91  (note),  92 
(note). 

Hauschlldt,  43  (note).      « 

Hay  Roumanian  Note,  46  (note). 

Haym,  Rudolph,  66. 

Heard,  85. 

Hedemann,  10  (note). 

Heinrici,  G.,  ref.  to  work  by,  20 
(note). 

Henderson,  Ebernezer,  85. 
ref.  to  work  by,  85  (note). 

Henderson,  T.  S.,  work  by,  alluded 
to,  85  (note). 

Henderson,  William,  alluded  to,  88 
(note). 

Henrichs,  G.  See  Grimm,  Hermann 
and  G.  Henrichs. 

"Henrietta  Herz  "  (Ftirst),  ref.  to, 
18  (note),  66  (note),  68  (note). 

"  Henriette  Herz"  (Landsberg),  al- 
luded to,  20  (note). 

Hensel,  work  by,  alluded  to,  18 
(note). 

Herstlet,  ref.  to  work  by,  27  (note). 

Herz,  57  (note). 

Herz  family  of  Vienna,  5,  17. 

Herz,  Henrietta,  6,  18  (note),  20 
(note),  64,  65,  68,69. 

Herz,  Leopold,  17,  18. 

Herz,  Markus,  65,  69. 

Hessen  and  Jewish  emancipation, 
25,  26. 

Hessen-Darmstadt  and  Jewish  eman- 
cipation, 24,  27. 


Hessen-Homburg,  Prince,  20. 

Hirsch,  Meyer,  67. 

"  Historische  Zeitschrift,"  ref.  to, 
37  (note). 

•"History  of  Belgium"  (Boulger), 
ref.  to,  40  (note). 

"  History  of  the  British  &  Foreign 
Bible  Society"  (Canton),  al- 
luded to,  90  (note). 

"  History  of  the  Jews  in  Russia  and 
Poland"  (Dubnow),  ref.  to,  52 
(note),  86  (note),  91  (note). 

"  History  of  the  Origin  and  First 
Ten  Years  of  the  British  & 
Foreign  Bible  Society  "  (Owen), 
alluded  to,  90  (note). 

Hitzig,  J.  E.,  work  by,  alluded  to, 
69  (note). 

Hofner,  L.  L.  von,  13  (note). 

Holland  and  Jewish  emancipation, 

3,  40,  41,  42. 
intervenes  in  behalf  of  Jews  of 

Bohemia,  46  (note). 
See  also  Netherlands,  the. 

Holstein  and  Jewish  emancipation, 
24,  25. 

Holzmann,  work  by,  ref.  to,  44 
(note)  ;  alluded  to,  45. 

Hubert,  E.,  ref.  to  work  by,  41 
(note). 

Huhner,  Leon,  alluded  to,  4  (note). 

Humboldt,   Alexander  von,   33,   64, 

65,  67. 

letter  of,  to  Rabbi  Marco  Mortara, 
67-68. 

Humboldt,  Caroline  Dacheroden  von, 
65,  69. 

Humboldt,  Wilhelm  von,  4,  5,  6,  7,  9, 
16,  18  (note),  20  (note),  21,  22, 
23,  34,  36,  46  (note),  56. 
on  principles  of  Jewish  emancipa- 
tory legislation,  9,  69,  70,  71-83. 
on  the  struggle  for  Jewish  rights 
at  the  Congress  of  Vienna,  33- 
34. 

references  to  Jews  In  the  corre- 
spondence of,  34,  35,  36,  38. 
and  his  relations  with  the  Jews, 

63-71. 

"  Gesammelte   Schrif ten  "   of,   71 
(note). 


102 


Index. 


Hungary  and  Jewish  emancipation, 

61. 
Hyamson,  Albert  M.,  alluded  to,  47 

(note). 

International  aid  in  Jewish  emanci- 
pation, 1,  3,  38,  39,  45,  46  and 
(note),  47  and  (note),  50,  51, 
57,  60,  61,  88  and  (note),  89 
(note),  92. 

See  also  Aix-la-Chapelle,  Congress 
of ;  Vienna,  Congress  of. 

Isler,  ref.  to  work  by,  16  (note). 

Italy,  Jewish  emancipation  in,  3,  51, 
52. 

Itzig,  Daniel,  10  (note),  15,  19. 

Itzig,  Moritz,  43  (note). 

Use,  work  by,  alluded  to,  45  (note)  ; 
ref.  to,  48  (note),  58  (note). 

Jacobsohn,  Israel,  42  (note),  43. 

"Jane  Parmenter's  Will"  (Har- 
den), alluded  to,  52  (note). 

"Jewish  Disabilities  in  the  Balkan 
States  "  (Kohler  and  Wolf),  iii, 
46  (note). 

"  Jewish  Emancipation  a  Century 
Ago  and  To-Day"  (Kohler), 
ref.  to,  70  (note). 

"  Jewish  Encyclopedia,"  ref.  to,  5 
(note),  10  (note),  15  (note), 
16  (note),  17,  18  (note),  40 
(note),  42  (note),  69  (note), 
86  (note),  90  (note),  91. 
alluded. to,  51  (note),  65. 

"  Jewish  Expositor,  The,"  ref.  to,  49 
(note),  52  (note),  86  (note),  91 
(note), 
alluded  to,  85. 

Jewish  Publication  Society  of  Amer- 
ica, 47  (note). 

"  Jewish  Rights  at  International 
Congresses"  (Kohler),  ref.  to, 
4  (note). 

Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of 
America,  51  (note). 

"  Jews  of  the  Nineteenth  Century, 
The"  (Bail),  alluded  to,  56. 

.1  nci si i n.  59  (note). 

"  Johann  Smidt :  ein  Gedenkbuch," 

alluded  to,  21  (note), 
ref.  to,  45  (note). 


Joseph  II,  Emperor,  41,  61,  62,  87. 
Jost,  work  by,  alluded  to,  1 ;  ref.  to, 

40  (note),  42  (note),  45  (note), 

48  (note),  58  (note). 
"  Journal    de    France,"    ref.    to,    5 

(note),  52  (note). 
"  Juden,  Die,  in  der  deutschen  Ver- 

gangenheit  "  (Liebe),  ref.  to,  42 

(note). 
"  Juden,   Die,   In   der   Freien   Stadt 

Frankfort    und    ihre    Gegner " 

(Boerne),  alluded  to,  45. 
"  Judengesetzgebung  Friedrich  Wil- 

helms  II"   (Lewin),  ref.  to,  11 

(note),  15  (note). 
"  Judenschule,  Die,  oder  Unser  Ver- 

kehr,"  anti-Semitic  play,  43. 
"  Jiidische    Characterbilder "     (Eh- 

rentheil),  ref.  to,  91  (note). 
"  JUdische    Frauen "     (Kayserling), 

alluded  to,  18  (note),  19. 
"  JUdische  Plutarch,   Der,"   ref.  to, 

17  (note). 

"  Jugendarbeiten  Ludwig  Boerne's 
iiber  Jiidische  Dinge  "  (Schnap- 
per-Arndt),  ref.  to,  14  (note). 

Kant,  67  (note). 

Kaufmnnn,  Prof.  David,  ref.  to  work 

by,  46  (note). 
Kayserling,    works   by,    alluded    to, 

18  (note),     19;    ref.     to,     67 
(note). 

Keller,  Count,  20. 

Key,  Ellen,  work  by,  alluded  to,  20 
(note). 

Kircheisen,  Minister  of  Justice,  69. 

Kirwan,  ref.  to  work  by,  4   (note). 

Kluber,  works  by,  alluded  to,  1,  21 ; 
ref.  to,  4  (note),  5,  7  (note),  8 
(note),  11  (note),  13  (note),  21 
(note),  22,  24  (note),  25,  26,  27 
(note),  28  (note),  29  (note),  30 
(note),  39  (note)  ;  quoted,  28- 
29. 

Knutsford,  ref.  to  work  by,  90 
(note). 

Kohler,  Privy  Councillor,  78,  79,  80, 
S2  (note). 

Kohler,  Dr.  K.,  alluded  to,  4  (note). 


Index. 


103 


Kohler,    Max   J.,    and    Simon    Wolf, 

work    by,    alluded    to,    ill,    46 

(note). 
Kohut,  Dr.  Adolph,  work  by,  alluded 

to,  20    (note),  64;  ref.  to,   15 

(note),  67  (note). 
Roller,  General,  18. 
Koreff,  Dr.  David  Ferdinand,  69. 
Koreff,  Solomon,  69  (note). 
Krengel,  Dr.  J.,  ref.  to  work  by,  46 

(note). 

Kress,  89  (note). 

Krudener,  Madame  de,  88,  90  (note). 
Kunth,  65,  67. 
"  Kurze     Bemerkungen     liber    das 

Manuscript  '  Unser  Verkehr '  " 

(C.  A.  R.  .  .  .  d),  ret  to,  42 

(note). 


La  Besnardi&re,  7. 

Lamb,  Frederick,  47  (note). 

Lamel,  Simon  Edler  von,  5,  17,  33 

(note),  57  (note),  59  (note). 
Lamel-Herz,  Elise  von,  17. 
Landsberg,  work  by,  alluded  to,  30 

(note)  ;  ref.  to,  64   (note),  65, 

69  (note). 
"  Leben  des  Hof  raths  David  Amsel 

Meyer"    (Nathanson),   ref.   to, 

42  (note). 
"  Leben  des  Ministers  Freiherrn  von 

Stein"     (Pertz),    ref.    to,    18 

(note). 
"  Leben    Staatrath    Kunths,    Das " 

(Friedrich    u  n  d"  Paul     Gold- 

schmidt),  alluded  to,  65  (note). 
"  Leben  und  Briefe  von  Adelbert  von 

Chamisso  "  (Hitzig),  alluded  to, 

69  (note). 
"  Leben   von   Alexander  von    Hum- 

boldt"    (Bruhns),    ref.    to,    67 

(note). 

Lehmann,  ref.  to,  37  (note). 
Le'mann,  Joseph,  works  by,  alluded 

to,  41  (note). 
Lessing,  alluded  to,  64,  68. 
"  Letter,  A,  Addressed  to  the  Bishop 

of  St.  David's  .  .  ."  (Way),  al- 
luded to,  86  (note). 
Levin,  Rahel.     See  Varnhagen  von 

Ense,  Rahel  Levin. 


Levy,  Madame,  of  Vienna,  20. 
Lewin,  ref.  to  work  by,  11   (note), 

15  (note). 
"  Liberte"  de  Conscience,  La,  en  Droit 

International"     (Ridder),    ref. 

to,  38  (note). 
Liebe,  Georg,   ref.   to  work  by,  42 

(note). 

Lieber,  Francis,  16. 
"Lieber"      (Perry),     ref.     to,     16 

(note). 

Liechtenstein,  Prince  Wentzel,  18. 
Lieven,  Count  de,  90  (note). 
"  Life  and  Letters  of  Zachary  Ma- 

caulay "    (Knutsford),   ref.   to, 

90  (note). 
"  Life  of  Sir  Henry  Hoare  "  (Sweet), 

alluded  to,  90  (note). 
"Life   of   Robert   Owen"    (Owen), 

ref.  to,  90  (note). 
"  Life    of    Bishop    Samuel    Wilber- 

force"    (Ashwell),   ref.   to,   90 

(note). 

Ligne,  Prince  de,  6,  20,  41. 
Lindner,  Dr.,  45  (note). 
"  Literatur,  Die,  fiir  und  wider  die 

Juden   in   Schweden   im   Jahre 

1815"     (Meyer),    ref.    to,    42 

(note). 
"  Lobzin's    Expulsion,"    ref.    to,    89 

(note). 

London,  90  (note). 
London     Conversion     Society,     90 

(note). 

London  Society  for  Promoting  Chris- 
tianity among  the  Jews,  50,  84, 

85,  86  (note),  88. 
Lowenberg,  Julius,  work  by,  quoted, 

67-68. 

Lowenhelm,  Count,  18. 
Liibeck,  Jewish  emancipation  in,  3, 

10  (note),  11,  12,  13  (note),  15, 

16,   21,   25,  29,   30,  32,   48,  49 

(note),  52,  57. 
See  also  Hanseatic  towns. 
"  Ludwig    Achim    von    Arnim    und 

Moritz  Itzlg  "   (Varnhagen  von 

Ense),  cited,  43  (note). 
"  Ludwig  Boerne"  (Holzmann),  ref. 

to,  44  (note). 
Luneville,  4   (note). 


104 


Index. 


Luxemburg    and    Jewish    emancipa- 
tion, 25. 

"Madame  de   Krudener"    (Pypln), 

ref.  to,  89  (note). 
"  Maimonides        Lebensgeschichte  " 

(Asch),  alluded  to,  90  (note). 
Mandelkern,  Dr.,  ref.  to  work  by,  91 

(note). 

"  Map  of  Europe  by  Treaty  "  (Herat- 
let),  ref.  to,  27  (note). 
Maria  Theresa,  Queen,  46  (note). 
Martens,   F.   F.   de,  alluded  to,  47 

(note)  52. 
ref.    to   work   by,   53    (note),   57 

(note). 
Marx,  Prof.  Alexander,  alluded  to,  4 

(note),  42   (note). 
"Max  Lilienthal"   (Philipson),  ref. 

to,  91   (note). 
Mayence    intervenes    in    behalf    of 

Jews  of  Bohemia,  46  (note). 
Mecklenburg  and  Jewish  emancipa- 
tion, 57. 
"  Mein  Antheil  an  der  Politik  "  (von 

Gagern),  ref.  to,  10  (note). 
Mejer,    work    by,    alluded    to,    18 

(note)  ;  ref.  to,  68  (note). 
"  Memoir   of   Rev.    E.    Henderson " 

(Henderson),    alluded    to,    85 

(note). 
"  Memoir  of  the  late  Mrs.  Paterson, 

wife  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Paterson  " 

(Swan),  alluded  to,  85  (note>. 
"  Mgmoire  sur  1'Etat  des  Juives,  Ad- 

dresse'e  &  S.  M.  1'Empereur  de 

Toutes  les  Russies,"  by  Lewis 

Way,  53. 
"  Memoiren  des  k.  pr.  Generals  Lud- 

wig  Freiherrn  von  Wolzogen," 

ref.  to,  20  (note). 
"  M6moires  et  Melanges  Historiques 

et     Litteraires,"     ref.     to,     41 

(note). 
"  M6moires  sur  I'Gt&t  des  Israelites, 

dedie's  et  pre'sente's  ft  leur  ma- 

jestes    imperiales    et    royales, 

rfiunies    au    Congres    d'Aix-la- 

Chapelle,"   by  Lewis  Way,  51, 

61  (note). 


"  Memoirs    of    Prince    Metternich," 
ref.  to,  53   (note),  61    (note), 
90. 
quoted,  93. 

"  Memoirs  of  the  Quaker  Grel.  de 
Mobi,  regarding  his  sojourn  In 
Russia"  (Pypin),  ref.  to,  89 
(note). 

Mendelssohn,  Dorothea.  See 
Schlegel,  Dorothea  von. 

Mendelssohn,  Henrietta,  65. 

Mendelssohn,  Joseph,  66. 

Mendelssohn,  Moses,  18,  64,  65,  66, 
67,  68. 

Mendelssohn-Bartholdy,  Karl,  ref.  to 
work  by,  49  (note). 

Metternich,  Prince,  5,  6,  7,  8,  14,  18, 
22,  23  (note),  28,  29,  30,  32,  33, 
34,  36,  37,  43,  44,  45,  48,  49 
(note),  50,  57,  58,  59,  60 
(note),  61,  93. 
on  Jewish  emancipation  in  Frank- 

fort-on-the-Main,  29,  44. 
on  Jewish  emancipation  in  Ger- 
many, 30. 
"Memoirs"    of,    53     (note),    61 

(note),  90  (note)  ;  quoted,  93. 
on  the  Jewish  question  in  Austria, 
61-62. 

Metternich,  Prince  Richard,  ref.  to 
work  by,  61  (note). 

Meyer,  E.,  ref.  to  work  by,  42 
(note). 

Meyer,  Jonas  Daniel,  40,  42  (note). 

Meyer,  Mariane.  See  Eybenburg, 
Mariane  von. 

Meyer,  Sara.  See  Grotthus,  Sara 
von. 

Mikhailovich,  Duke,  ref.  to  work  by, 
90  (note). 

Mirabeau,  64. 

Missionary  societies,  English,  and 
emancipation  of  Jews  in  Russia 
and  Poland,  84,  85. 

"  Monatsschrift  fur  Geschichte  und 
Wissenschaft  des  Judentums," 
ref.  to,  10  (note),  11  (note),  15 
(note),  20  (note),  42  (note), 
46  (note),  51  (note),  87  (note). 

"  Morgenstunden,"  by  Moses  Men- 
delssohn, 67. 


Index. 


105 


Moritz,  Johann  C.,  85,  86  (note). 
Mortara,    Rabbi    Marco,    letter    of 

Alexander  von  Humboldt  to,  67- 

68. 

Moscow,  86  (note),  88. 
Mtiller,  Johann  von,  52. 
Miinster,  89  (note). 
Miinster,  Count  of,  7,  8. 

Napier,  Mrs.  Alexander,  ref.  to  work 

by,  61  (note). 
Napoleon,  6,  58. 

Napoleonic  Sanhedrin,  5  (note),  58. 
Napoleonic  Wars,  1,  2,  4  (note),  16, 

64,  71   (note),  91. 
Nassau    and    Jewish    emancipation, 

25. 
Nathanson,  M.  L.,  ref.  to  work  by, 

42  (note). 
"  Nebst  Briefen  von  Koreff,"  alluded 

to,  69   (note). 

Neiszer,  Regina,  ref.  to,  10  (note). 
Nesselrode,  Count,  6,  37  (note),  50, 

88  (note),  92. 
Netherlands,    the,    religious   liberty 

in,  and  the  Congress  of  Vienna, 

2,  38,  41. 
See  also  Holland. 
"  Neuere  Geschichte  der  Israeliten  " 

(Jost),  ref.  to,  40    (note),  42 

(note). 
"  Neueste  Geschichte  des  judischen 

Volkes"    (Philippson),  ref.  to, 

29  (note),  90  (note). 
New  York  Public  Library,  51  (note). 
Nicolai,  alluded  to,  64,  68. 
Nicolovius,  Georg  H.  L.,  66  (note). 
"Nord    und    Slid,"    alluded    to,    20 

(note). 
"  Nouveau      R  e  c  u  e  i  1      G6n€ral  " 

(Martens),  ref.  to,  57  (note). 

"  Oeffentliches  Recht  des  deutschen 
Bundes  und  der  Bundes- 
staaten"  (Kliiber),  ref.  to,  28 
(note). 

*'  Oesterreichischer  Beobachter,"  ref. 
to,  16  (note). 

"  Oesterreich's  Juden  in  den  Be- 
freiungskriegen "  (Grunwald), 
alluded  to,  20  (note). 


"  Oeuvres     Completes     de     J.     de 

Maistre,"  90  (note). 
Oko,  A.  S.,  alluded  to,  4  (note). 
Olfers,  Hedwig  von,  ref.  to  work  by, 

10  (note),  19  (note), 
alluded  to,  20   (note). 
Oppenheimer,  Jacob,  15,  16,  58. 
Orange,  Prince  of,  39,  40. 
Owen,  Rev.  John,  work  by,  alluded 

to,  85  (note),  90  (note). 
Owen,  R.,  ref.  to  work  by,  90  (note). 
Owen,  Robert,  90  (note). 

Palmella,  Count,  18. 
Paterson,  Rev.  John,  84,  85. 
work  by,  alluded  to,  85  (note), 
on  patriotism  of  Russian  Jews  in 

Napoleonic  invasion,  91. 
Pereyra,  Madame,  6,  20. 
Perl,  Josef,  91   (note). 
Perry,  ref.  to  work  by,  16  (note). 
Pertz,  ref.  to  work  by,  18    (note), 

37  (note),  38  (note). 
Philippson,  Martin,  ref.  to  work  by, 

29  (note),  90  (note),  91  (note). 
Philipson,   Rev.   Dr.   David,   ref.   to 

work  by,  91  (note). 
Phillips,   W.   Alison,   work  by,   ref. 

to,   17   (note),  89   (note)  ;  al- 
luded to,  50. 

Pilat,  49  (note),  89  (note). 
Pilats,  the,  of  Vienna,  26  (note). 
Pinkerton,  Robert,  85,  86  (note), 
works  by,  alluded  to,  85  (note). 
"  Plan    d'une   Memoire,"    by    Lewis 

Way,  53. 
Plessen,    von,    45    (note),    56,    57 

(note). 
Poland,  62,  84,  85,  86    (note),  87, 

92. 
intervenes  in  behalf  of  Jews  of 

Bohemia,  46  (note). 
Jewish  emancipation  in,  51. 
Pope,   the,   intervenes  in  behalf  of 

Jews  of  Bohemia,  46  (note). 
Prague,  5,  17,  33. 
"  Precis    historique    sur    1'gtat    des 

Israelites  du  Royaume  de  Pays- 

Bas  "  (Asser),  alluded  to,  42. 
"  Preponderance    Juive,    La "     (IA- 

mann),  alluded  to,  41  (note). 


106 


Index. 


"  Present  State  of  the  Greek  Church 
in  Russia"  (Paterson),  alluded 
to,  85  (note). 

Prussia  and  religious  liberty  at  the 

Congress  of  Vienna,  3,  38. 
and  Jewish  emancipation,  7,  8 
(note),  9,  10,  11,  12,  13,  15, 
21,  22,  24,  31,  33,  36,  45,  46, 
47,  48,  49  (note),  50,  57,  59, 
60,  63,  70,  71,  83,  92. 

Public  office,  Jewish  eligibility  for, 
in  Prussia,  77,  78. 

Ptitter,  ref.  to  work  by,  4  (note). 

Pypin,  A.  N.,  ref.  to  works  by,  89 
(note). 


"  Rahel  Varnhagen  "  (Bedrow),  al- 
luded to,  69  (note). 

Raich,  Dr.  J.  M.,  work  by,  alluded 
to,  18  (note). 

Raisin,  J.  S.,  ref.  to  work  by,  91 
(note),  92  (note). 

Rechberg,  Count,  23,  33. 

"  Recueil  des  traite's  et  conventions 
conclus  par  la  Russie "  (Mar- 
tens), ref.  to,  53  (note). 

"  Reform  Advocate,"  ref.  to,  70 
(note). 

Religious  liberty.  See  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle,  Congress  of  ;  Vienna,  Con- 
gress of. 

"Religious  Liberty"  (Rufflni),  ref. 
to,  4  (note),  41  (note). 

Reuss,  F.,  work  by,  alluded  to,  51 
(note). 

"  Revue  Droit  International  et  de 
Legislation  ComparCe,"  ref.  to, 
38  (note). 

Richelieu,  50. 

Ridder,  Jean  De,  work  by,  ref.  to, 
38;  quoted,  39;  alluded  to,  40. 

Riesser,  Gabriel,  49. 

Ritter,  I.  H.,  ref.  to  work  by,  15 
(note). 

Rome,  60  (note). 

Rose,  Sir  George,  88. 

Rosenthal,  Herman,  ref.  to,  90 
(note),  91  (note). 

Rothschild,  Baron,  60  (note). 

Rothschild,  A.  M.,  45  (note). 


Rothschild,  C.   See  Rothschild,  Karl. 
Rothschild,    Karl    (C.),   45    (note), 

59  (note). 

Rothschild,   Mayer  Amschel,   14. 
Rothschild,  Nathan,  90  (note). 
Rothschild,  Salomon,  59   (note). 
Rothschilds,  the,  5,   14,   15,  48,  52, 

60  (note). 

Royal  Prussian  Academy  of  Science, 
33  (note),  71  (note). 

Ruffini,  ref.  to  work  by,  4    (note), 
41   (note). 

Russia,  3,  37. 

and  religious  liberty  at  the  Con- 
gress of  Vienna,  3,  38,  45 ;  at 
the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Chapelle, 
50,  53-55. 

and  Jewish  emancipation,  37. 
influence  of  English  missionaries 
on  treatment  of  Jews  in,  84-93. 

"Russia"    (Paterson),    alluded    to, 
85  (note). 

Russian   Bible    Society,    85,   89,   90 
(note). 

"Russie,  La,  et  les  Russes  "  (Tour- 
genieff),  alluded  to,  89  (note). 

"  Russk  Starina,"  ref.  to,  89  (note). 


Saaling,  Mariamne,  10  (note). 

"  Saat   auf   Hoffnung,"    ref.    to,   52 

(note),  88  (note). 
St.  Petersburg,  84,  89  (note). 
Sanhedrin    convened    by    Napoleon. 

See  Napoleonic  Sanhedrin. 
Saxony    and    Jewish    emancipation, 

26,  27,  28,  34. 
intervenes  in  behalf  of  Jews  of 

Bohemia,  46  (note). 
Schaumburg-Llppe     and     Jewish 

emancipation,  25,  26. 
Scheinhaus,  L.,  ref.  to  works  by,  91 

(note). 

Schiff  family  of  Hamburg,  16. 
Schlegel,   Dorothea   von,   6,    18,   26 

(note),  65,  66,  68. 
Schlegel,  Friedrich  von,  18,  44,  59 

(note). 

Schlegel,  Wilhelm  von,  65. 
Schlesier,  ref.  to  work  by,  60  (note). 
Schliemann,  work  by,  alluded  to,  89 

(note). 


Index. 


107 


Schmidt,  Wilhelm  A.,  ref.  to  work 

by,  7   (note),  8   (note),  21,  22 

(note),  37  (note). 
Schnapper-Arndt,   G.,   ref.   to  work 

by,  14  (note). 
Schnitzler,  J.  H.,  work  by,  alluded 

to,  89  (note). 
"  Schriften  von  Gentz"  (Schlesler), 

ref.  to,  60  (note). 

Schrotter,  von,  38  (note),  71  (note). 
Schulze-Smidt,  B.,  work  by,  alluded 

to,     21      (note)  ;     quoted,     26 

(note). 
Schwemer,  ref.  to  work  by,  9  (note), 

11  (note),  21  (note),  22  (note), 

23  (note),  28  (note),  29  (note), 

45,  48  (note),  59  (note). 
Schwenke,  Paul,  ref.  to  work  by,  66 

(note). 
"  Secret  History  of  the  Court  and 

Government    of    Russia    under 

the    Emperors    Alexander    and 

Nicholas"       (Schnitzler),      al- 
luded to,  121   (note). 
Sessa,  anti-Semitic  play  by,  43. 
Simon.     See  Von  Ronne  and  Simon. 
Slave-trade    and    the    Congress    of 

Vienna,  3. 
and  the  Congress  of  Aix-la-Cha- 

pelle,  90  (note). 
Sloane,    William    Milligan,    ref.    to 

work  by,  41    (note). 
Smidt,    Johann,    9,    10,    21,   22,   23, 

26,  28,  59  (note),  70. 
Solms,  Count,  20. 
Solomon.   Benjamin,  85,   86    (note), 

92    (note). 
on    the    education    of    Jews    in 

Russia,  87. 
"  Some  Particulars  relating  to  the 

late  Emperor  Alexander,  with 

notes  by  L.  W.,"  quoted,  88. 
Stagemann,    Privy    Councillor   von, 

10,  43  (note),  70  (note). 
Stein,  Freiherr  von,  6,  36,  37,  38. 
Stern,  Alfred,  ref.  to,  7   (note),  10 

(note),  38    (note),  48    (note), 

53  (note),  60,  70  (note). 
Strassburg,  5. 
"Sulamitb,"    ref.    to,    4    (note),    5 

(note),   16    (note),   49    (note), 

52  (note). 


"  Supplementary  Dispatches  of  the 
Duke  of  Wellington,"  ref.  to, 
90  (note),  93  (note). 

Swan,  William,  work  by,  alluded  to, 
85  (note). 

Sweden,  42. 

Sweet,  work  by,  alluded  to,  90 
(note). 

Sydow,  Anna  von,  work  by,  ref.  to, 
17  (note),  23  (note),  33  (note), 
34  (note),  38  (note)  ;  alluded 
to,  20  (note)  ;  quoted,  65 
(note),  66  (note),  68  (note). 

"Tagebvicher"   (Gentz),  16  (note), 

17  (note),  33  (note),  44  (note), 

45  (note). 

alluded  to,  48  (note), 
quoted,  59  (note). 
"  Tagebficher,"     of     Wilhelm     von 

Humboldt,  33    (note). 
Talleyrand,  Prince,  6,  18,  41. 
Tama,  ref.  to  work  by,  4  (note). 
Thirty  Years'  War,  4  (note). 
"  Toleranzedikt    Josephs    II,    Das " 

(Prank),  alluded  to,  41  (note). 
Tourgenieff,  N.,  work  by,  alluded  to, 

89  (note). 
"  Transactions  of  the  Parisian  San- 

hedrin "     (Tama),    ref.    to,    4 

'(note). 

Trautmansdorff,  Prince,  20. 
"  Travels    and    Adventures    of    the 

Rev.  Joseph  Wolff,"  ref.  to,  90 

(note). 

Treechow,  51  (note). 
Turkey  intervenes  In  behalf  of  Jews 

of  Bohemia,  46  (note). 

"  Ueber  den  Verfasser  der  Posse 
Unser  Verkehr"  (Geiger),  ref. 
to,  42  (note). 

"  Ueber  die  Aufnahme  der  Jiidischen 
Glaubensgenossen  zum  Biirger- 
recht "  (Buchholz),  alluded  to, 
17. 

"  Ueber  die  Stellung  der  Bekenner 
des  mosaischen  Glaubens  in 
Deutschland "  (Riesser),  al- 
luded to,  49. 


108 


Index. 


"  TJeber   die    Verbesserung    der    Is- 
raeliten    im    Koenigreich    Poh- 
len "    (Friedlaender),  cited,  42 
(note), 
alluded  to,  92. 

"  TJebersicht  der  dlplomatischen  Ver- 
handlungen  des  Wiener  Con- 
gresses"  (Kltiber),  quoted,  28- 
29. 

Uffenhelm,  G.  G.,  4,  13. 

"  Ungarische  Rundschau,"  ref.  to, 
44  (note). 

Unger,  work  by,  alluded  to,  18 
(note). 

Varnhagen  von  Ense,  Karl,  14,  19, 
26  (note),  33  (note),  35,  65, 
69. 

on  Jewish  emancipation  In  Ger- 
many, 35. 

works  by,  cited,  42-43  and  (note)  ; 
ref.  to,  44  (note). 

Varnhagen  von  Ense,  Rahel  Levin, 
6,  14,  19,  20  (note),  26  (note), 
34,  35,  41,  68,  90  (note). 

"  Vaterlandlsche  Krleg  1812,  Der, 
und  die  Juden  "  (Glnsburg),  al- 
luded to,  91  (note). 

Velt,  David,  68. 

Veit,  Dorothea  Mendelssohn.  See 
Schlegel,  Dorothea  von. 

Venice  intervenes  in  behalf  of  Jews 
of  Bohemia,  46  (note). 

"  Vermlschte  Schrlf ten  "  (Varn- 
hagen von  Ense),  cited,  43 
(note). 

Verona,  Congress  at,  and  Jewish 
emancipation,  88  (note  )-89 
(note). 

"  Vestnlk  Evropy,"  ref.  to,  89 
(note). 

"  Vie  de  Minn,  de  Kriidener "  (Ey- 
nard),  ref.  to,  90  (note). 

Vienna,  5,  10  (note),  13,  14,  20,  59, 
Gl  (note). 

Vienna,  Congress  of,  ill. 
Jewish  rights  at,  1-49. 
and  religious  liberty  In  general, 
2,  8,  21,  26,  27,  37,  38,  39,  44. 

Vienna  Ministerial  Conference  of 
1820,  and  Jewish  emancipation, 
58. 


Vienna,  Treaty  of,  50. 
quoted,  39. 

Von  Ronne  and  Simon,  ref.  to  work 
by,  4  (note). 

"  Vortrage  und  Versuche  "  (Gelger), 
ref.  to,  15  (note),  17  (note),  19 
(note),  42  (note).  48  (note). 

"  Voyage,  Le,  de  1'Empereur  Joseph 
II  dans  les  Pays-Bas "  (Hu- 
bert), ref.  to,  41  (note). 

Waldeck  and  Jewish  emancipation, 
25. 

Wangenheim,  57. 

Ward,  Sir  Adolphus  W.,  ref.  to  work 
by,  5,  6. 

Warsaw,  54,  55. 

Way,  Drusilla,  52  (note),  90  (note), 
on  activities  of  Lewis  Way  in  be- 
half of  the  Jews,  88. 

Way,  Lewis,  50,  51,  52  (note),  85, 
86,  87,  88  (note),  89  (note), 
90  (note),  93. 

works  by,  on  Jewish  emancipation 
presented   at   the   Congress   of 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  50,  51,  52,  53, 
56,  59,  61 ;  quoted,  53-56. 
and  the  Jews  of  Russia,  84-93. 
work  by,  alluded  to,  86  (note). 
on  Alexander  I  of  Russia,  88. 

Wedler-Stelnberg,  A.,  work  by,  al- 
luded to,  20  (note). 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  6,  17  (note), 
18,  19,  50. 

"Wessenberg"  (Arneth),  cited,  8 
(note). 

Wessenberg,  Baron  von,  5,  7,  33,  59 
(note). 

Wessenberg,  Count,  8. 

Westphalia,  Jewish  emancipation 
in,  3. 

Westphalia,  Treaty  of,  4  (note). 

Wilberforce,  William,  87,  88,  90 
(note). 

"  Wilhelm  und  Karoline  von  Hum- 
boldt  in   ihren  Briefen "    (von 
Sydow),  ref.  to,  17  (note), 
alluded  to,  20  (note), 
quoted,   65    (note)-66    (note),   69 
(note). 


Index. 


109 


"  Wilhelm  von  Humboldt  als  Staats- 

mann "    (Gebhardt),   ref.   to,   9 

(note). 

alluded  to,  70. 
William  I,  King  of  the  Netherlands, 

40. 

Winzingerode,  Count,  8. 
Wischnitzer,    Dr.    M.,    ref.    to   work 

by,  92    (note). 
Witnesses,   competency  of  Jews  as, 

in  Prussia,  75  (note),  79. 
Wittichen,  F.  I.,  work  by,  alluded  to, 

20  (note)  ;  ref.  to.  67  (note). 
"  Wohltaten,    Die,    des   Hauses    Ro- 
ma now  "   (Scheinhaus),  ref.  to, 

91  (note). 
Wolf.    [G.,]    ref.    to    work    by,    17 

(note),  60  (note). 
Wolf.   Simon.     See  Kohler,  Max  J., 

«nd  Simon  Wolf. 
Wolff,  Joseph,  85,  90  (note). 
"  Wort,    Ein,    zur    Beherzigung    an 

meine  israelitische   und  christ- 

liche  Glaubensbriider  "  (Dohm), 

alluded  to,  51    (note). 
Wolzogen,  Caroline  von,  66   (note). 


Wrede,  Prince,  7. 

Wiirttemberg  and  Jewish  emancipa- 
tion, 7,  8,  57. 

Wurzbach,  ref.  to  work  by,  20 
(note). 


41  Zeitschrift  fur  Bucherfreunde," 
ref.  to,  20  (note). 

"  Zeitschrift  fur  die  Geschichte  der 
Juden  in  Deutschland,"  ref.  to, 
14  (note). 

Zichy,  Count  Charles,  18. 

Zola,  alluded  to,  64. 

"Zur  Familienname  Asch "  (Ber- 
liner), alluded  to,  90  (note). 

"  Zur  Geschichte  der  romisch- 
deutschen  Frage  "  (Mejer),  al- 
luded to,  18  (note),  68  (note). 

"  Zustand  der  Israeliten  zu  Frank- 
fort "  (Bender),  alluded  to,  48 
(note). 

t:  Zwei  Epochen  aus  der  Geschichte 
der  deutsch-israelitischen  Ge- 
meinde  in  Hamburg"  (Ilaar- 
bleicher),  ref.  to,  16  (note),  37 
(note). 


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